1. Biography Theodore, the only son of John III Vatatzes, was born in 1222, the year his father was proclaimed emperor.1 His mother, Irene, was daughter of the emperor Theodore I Laskaris. During his childhood he resided in the empire’s military capital, the city of Nymphaeum (modern Nif, Kemalpasa). He suffered from acute hereditary epilepsy, which had arisen in his early childhood, a fact that greatly affected the formation of his character. According to the sources, Theodore was fidgety, irritable, but also sensitive; he also had a great predilection for reading and studying. During the period the symptoms of his condition remained mild, he systematically studied the letters and the art of war. His mother undertook his upbringing, while the emperor saw to his education. Under the guidance of the scholar Nikephoros Blemmydes –who was probably a co-tutor– and officially of George Akropolites,2 Theodore received a remarkable education, acquiring deep knowledge in the field of the exact sciences, as well as in that of philosophy and theology. His studies were completed at a rather early age, possibly in the late 1230s. In 1233, at the age of 11, he was betrothed to the 9-year-old daughter of Ivan Asen II, the Bulgarian tsar, in the context of the rapprochement between the two states aiming at the formation of an anti-Latin alliance. The marriage ceremony was held in Lampsacus in the spring of 1235, following the signing of the relevant agreements between the two states. The young bride was placed in the care of Empress Irene. Theodore had five children with Helen: John –the future Emperor John IV Laskaris–, Irene,3 Maria,4 Theodora5 and Eudocia.6 Helen died prematurely in 1254, and her husband was overwhelmed by gried.7 From a young age Theodore was actively involved in the affairs of the State. In 1238, and later in 1241, during his European campaigns, John III Vatatzes entrusted the administration of the eastern part of the empire to his son, possibly appointing him deputy regent, i.e. a coemperor.8And although Theodore did not participate in any military operations, it seems that the army, as well as the aristocracy, actually loved him. After his father’s death, on the 3rd of November 1254, Theodore was proclaimed emperor at the age of 32, bearing his mother's family name, Laskaris. In accordance to custom, the proclamation took place while Theodore was carried on a shield in the presence of the army and the senate. His coronation was postponed for the next year, until the election of the new patriarch Arsenios Autoreianos. As an emperor, the scholarly Theodore II Laskcaris proved a man of action, exhibiting significant administrative and military virtues. During his four year reign he made a series of reforms aimed at curtailing the role of the aristocratic families. He was aware of the significance of the imperial office, and he personally administered the state. Notwithstanding his deep religiosity, he did not allow the clergy to intervene in state affairs, while he did not hesitate to promote his political goals through the Church. Influenced by the ideals of his time, which are vividly captured mainly in the works of Blemmydes, he aspired to embody the ideal of the philosopher-king. In the summer of 1258 Theodore II’s health deteriorated rapidly. A few days before his death he was tonsured a monk, keeping the name Theodore. On August 16th 1258, after successive epileptic crises, Theodore II Laskaris died in Nymphaeum and was buried in the monastery of Sosandra in the area of Magnesia, like his father, John III Vatatzes.9 Before his death, Theodore II, concerned for the future of his eight year old son, appointed his close friend and high ranking official George Mouzalon and the patriarch Arsenios as regents until John’s coming of age. His fears concerning the reaction of the aristocratic families, which coalesced around Michael Palaiologos, were soon confirmed. The Mouzalon brothers were murdered, and Michael (VIII) Palaiologos ascended to the throne, Arsenios was removed from the patriarchate, while later John IV Laskaris was imprisoned and blinded. 2. External policy During his short reign, Theodore II attempted to continue his father’s external policy. Although no essential changes occurred in the area such that would bring the Byzantines closer to their ultimate goal, the recapture of Constantinople, the Empire of Nicaea managed to preserve its position vis-à-vis its adversaries, who after John III’s death attempted new attacks and made new demands. His most important successes were the conclusion of a peace treaty with the sultan of Rum İzzedin Kaykauş II (1246-1257), as well as the securing of the empire’s European possessions at the expense of Bulgaria and the Despotate of Epirus. 2.1. War against the Bulgarians The first military operations aimed at repulsing the troops of the Bulgarian tsar, and brother-in-law of Theodore II, Michael Asen (1246-1256), who in January 1255 crossed the river Evros, the south border of his kingdom, and swiftly captured large areas of Thrace and Macedonia. Theodore II brought back from exile his uncles on his mother’s side, who were banished from the empire during the reign of John III Vatatzes, and called a council to decide the measures that were to be taken. With the support of chiefly the , George Mouzalon, the emperor moved immediately to the north and soon managed to defeat the Bulgarian troops. He returned to this region in May 1256, when the Bulgarian tsar was forced to retreat and sign a peace treaty with favourable terms for Nicaea, ceding the cities of Prilapo (Prilap), Velessa (Veles), Dibra (Debar) and Tzepaina. The Bulgarian danger diminished after Michael Asen’s death and the internal disorder that ensued. Nicaea’s relations with Bulgaria were finally normalized after the accession to the Bulgarian throne of the Serbian noble Constantine Tich (1257-1277), who married the daughter of Theodore II, Irene. 2.2 Relations with the state of Epirus In the Despotate of Epirus, the Michael II Doukas (1231-1271), observing the Bulgarians’ initial successes in early 1255, begun planning an attack on the Balkan territories of Nicaea and proposed alliances to the Albanians and the king of Serbia, Stefan Uroš I (1243-1276). Theodore II reacted swiftly and, after ratifying the Albanians’ privileges conceded by his father John III, he pre-empted the eventuality of an alliance against him. After the unsuccessful outcome of the Bulgarians’ war against Theodore II, Michael II thought it wise to maintain peaceful relations with Nicaea. The warming up of the relations between the two states was sealed in October 1256 in Thessalonica with the marriage of Nikephoros, son of Michael II, to the daughter of Theodore II, Maria. This peace was not to last, however. During the negotiations, Theodore II, by holding Michael II’s son, Nikephoros, and his wife, Theodora, essentially as hostages, imposed extortionate terms, demanding the surrender of Dyrrachium and the Macedonian fortress of Serbia as an affirmation of the marriage and the alliance. Then, the Byzantine emperor, fearing internal disorder following the defection of Michael Palaiologos to the Sultanate of Rum, rushed back to Nicaea. The relations between the two Greek states deteriorated. This confrontation led in 1257 into a ferocious and vacillating war. Michael II brought into effect his plans for an alliance against Nicaea. With the help of the Albanians and the support of the Serbs, he ousted the military forces of Theodore II from Albania and Macedonia and captured Kastoria and Veroia. The general governor of Macedonia, George Akropolites, could not contain the situation. He found himself besieged in Prilapo and was finally led captive to Arta. On the order of the emperor, John Palaiologos, brother of the Michael Palaiologos, marched into the area leading a small army. The most competent Byzantine general, however, was not able to intercept the forces of Michael II, who now apparently sought to seize Thessalonica, where the Byzantine guard resided, under the command of Theodore II’s uncle, Michael Laskaris. These failures in the western front threw the Byzantine emperor into despair. Frustrated and gravely ill, Theodore II blamed the losses on his military commanders and took a series of extreme measures against them. John Palaiologos was imprisoned without a trial, Alexios Strategopoulos was also imprisoned and his son Constantine was blinded, while George Akropolites, Theodore II’ trusted associate and teacher, was flogged. These dire conditions led many officers to defect to the army of Michael II Doukas. Despondent, Theodore II did not hesitate to ask of patriarch Arsenios to excommunicate the whole state of Epirus, an act that would seriously undermine the unity of the Orthodox Church. This excommunication was cancelled, however, following the intervention of Nikephoros Blemmydes. 2.3. Policy on the union of the Churches In the context of his efforts to create the conditions that would allow him to recapture Constantinople, the new emperor, notwithstanding his reservations, continued his father's pro-union policy. The negotiations with Pope Alexander IV (1254-1261) in 1256 proved fruitless, as Theodore II was not willing to make concessions and compromises, rejecting any talk of subjecting the Orthodox Church to Rome. Inflexible in his views, the Byzantine emperor believed that only a council could decide on the issues that divided the two Churches and that he should be the arbiter of the differences that would arise, pronouncing the ultimate judgement on them. John III Vatatzes’ significant successes and the entrenchment of the position of the Nicaean Empire during Theodore II in the international political scene rendered Rome’s support in the struggle to regain Constantinople redundant. 2.4. Relations with the Sultanate of Rum Michael Palaiologos' defection to the Seljuk state of Rum in 1255 caused serious complications. Due to emperor’s dismissive attitude towards him, the megas konostaulos and commander of Bithynia sought refuge in Rum, where the sultan Kaykauş II was willing to support his claim to the Byzantine throne. At the same period, however, the sultan was pressed by the Mongol (Tatar) raids and asked for the help of the Nicaean Empire. Theodore II marched quickly towards Sardis, where the sultan had fled, and set up camp. He gave the Seljuk Turks a contingent to strengthen their forces and took Laodicea, where for a short period a Byzantine garrison was installed. Then Theodore II and Kaykauş II signed a peace treaty (1256), while Michael Palaiologos professed his repentance, sworn loyalty to the emperor and returned to Nicaea. During the same period the Byzantines received an embassy from the Mongols, and were careful to flaunt the empire’s wealth and strength in order to convince them of the Nicaean Empire's overwhelming power. 3. Internal policy The emperor’s work in the area of internal affairs was noteworthy. In terms of the internal organisation and state structures he generally continued the policies of his predecessors, incorporating the lands he annexed in the existing administrative system. As his ultimate goal was to firmly establish the empire relying on local forces drawn from Asia Minor, Theodore II effected important reforms and changes that curtailed the increasing power of the great landowners and the aristocracy of Constantinopolitan origin, who were his father's mainstay. He elevated able people to high-ranking offices, irrespective of their background. An apt example of the emperor’s wish to create a circle of close and trustworthy associates is George Mouzalon. Theodore’s childhood friend was of humble birth, yet in 1255 he acceded to the highest position in the courtly hierarchy, the office of the megas domestikos, having initially taken on a combination of titles (, and ). In a move that should be probably attributed to his effort to secure the widest possible acceptance of his policies, Theodore II allowed the return of his exiled relatives on his mother’s side and gave them important administrative offices. Among the emperor’s immediate priorities was the reform of the army. Theodore favoured the creation of a purely Byzantine army which would not rely on mercenaries, especially Latins, who were cooperating with the nobility. Theodore II was perhaps the only emperor to attempt such a reform, believing that such an army would better protect the lands of the empire and would produce important economic benefits, as the upkeep of the mercenaries depleted a significant percentage of the state’s treasury. In one of his letters, he refers to the army he had organized by these words: “[the army] is a city on the move, with the mission of safeguarding the old greek cities”. It should be noted, though, that during his reign is the pesence of Turcish mercenaries among the Byzantine troops first noted. Theodore II was rather high-handed in his relations with the Church. In 1255 the ecclesiastical council had unanimously elected Nikephoros Blemmydes to the patriarchal throne. When Blemmydes refused the post, the emperor elected with summary procedures a simple monk to ascend the patriarchal throne, the unknown up to then Arsenios Autoreianos, who proved heedful to the emperor’s wishes and, as a guarantor of the Lascarid dynasty later confronted the usurper Michael VIII Palaiologos. Theodore II also did not refrain from using the Church to promote political ends. In 1257 he forced the patriarch Arsenios to excommunicate his adversary Michael II of Epirus and alonf with all of his subjects. The reaction of the clergy and the personal intervention of the emperor's tutor, N. Blemmydes, led to the recall of this measure. Theodore II’s generally rigid policies caused reactions in the upper social strata. The Constantinopolitan scholars exiled in Nicaea considered his policies as a failure. The emperor’s attitude vis-à-vis the traditional aristocratic families grew tougher, especially in the last years of his reign. The antagonism between the emperor and the military aristocracy had broken out during the war against Bulgaria and reached its zenith during the war against Epirus. Theodore II blamed his failures on the military leaders and he did not hesitate to instigate a series of trials. The extreme penalties and the confiscations the ill-tempered emperor imposed caused great tension, which evolved into a real conflict, which finally led to the fall of the Lascarid dynasty. Theodore II’s work in the field of education and the cultivation of the letters was very important. An eminent scholar and accomplished author himself, the continued his father’s work and showed active interest in promoting the empire cultural life. Soon he attracted large numbers of scholars around him, and his court became an important centre for the studying of the sciences. Libraries were established in the large cities, and the state was responsible for their enrichment; centres for the study of the exact sciences developed and workshops for the copying of manuscripts were formed. Mathematics and philosophy were cultivated in depth, while due to the need to interpret the ancient texts, philology was fostered. During Theodore’s reign the monastery of Aghios Tryphon was rebuilt in Nicaea, with the School of Nicaea erected next to it, featuring a seat for Grammar and one for Rhetoric. A small number of distinguished youths (like George Akropolites) studied in the higher educational institutions; these later staffed the high-ranking positions in the empire, becoming governors and diplomats. The private activities of teachers and scholars was also encouraged, some of which established locals schools, like Prodromos Scamandrenos and his student Nikephoros Blemmydes did in Ephesus. Influenced by the views of his teacher Ν. Blemmydes, Theodore II sought to embody the ideal of the philosopher-king and strove for the establishment of an ‘enlightened monarchy’, the foundations of which were laid during John III Vatatzes’ reign. He confessed that “kingship and philosophy are very akin and analogous” and believed that in the co-existence of philosophy and kingship in the same person lays the perfect kind of king, who is God upon the earth. Generally, during Theodore II’s reign in Nicaea the Byzantines started realizing their close relation to Greek Antiquity. The reinvigoration of the interest in Antiquity in general had emerged in the 11th century. Around the mid-13th century we can see that the terms ‘Hellenic’ and ‘Hellenism’, which occur frequently in Theodore II’s texts as well, now define education and language identity, apparently shedding their religious meaning. The flowering of the letters and the wider cultural flurishing brings to mind the era of Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus (913-959), and was so impressive so as to lead some of Theodore's II contemporaries to compare Nicaea with ancient Athens. In a letter to Blemmydes, Theodore II makes a characteristic appraisal of his own work: he underlies that the main aim of his policies was the overall care for the state and his people, and the securing of the means and resources necessary for the protection of the Greeks. 4. Writings 4.1. General Theodore II Laskaris was a prominent scholar and a very prolific writer, exhibiting a great variety of interests. He actively contributed to the establishment of Nicaea as the most important Byzantine intellectual centre, and is among the most important scholars of the 13th century. His oeuvre includes theological, philosophical and scientific treatises, ecclesiastical hymns, panegyrics, encomiums, some satires and a multitude of letters. The composition of most of his works dates to the years before his accession to the throne, yet he continued his active engagement with writing even as an emperor. Although the largest part of Theodore II’s oeuvre has been published, some of his writings remain unpublished today, while the absence of a comprehensive study of the scholarly emperor’s work and thought is obvious in the existing secondary literature.10 The main body of Theodore II’s oeuvre consists in philosophical and theological treatises. The main characteristic of his writings is his tendency to approach his subject scientifically. The large number of his allusions and references to the ancient writers indicates his deep knowledge of Greek literature, as well as his interpretative skills. His main pursuit was philosophy. He believed that philosophy has a liberating effect on human consciousness. He was inspired by the works of the Pythagoreans, Aristotle, Plato (especially the Timaeus), the Neoplatonics, as well as Dionysius Aeropagites. His purely philosophical works are two. In the first one, «De communione naturali»(On the natural Society) he expounds his views on the natural affinities between beings. Relying on the Presocratic philosophy, the writer argues that beings are comprised of four basic elements: Fire, Air, Water and Earth. The differences between them result from the degree of the fusion between these elements. On the constitution of the living beings he accepts Heraclitus’ theory of the four humours (blood, yellow bile, black bile and phlegm), while, drawing on the Platonic psychology, he distinguishes human beings because they possess a soul, which is further divided into three parts: intellect, desire and will. By combining these 7 constituents, he distinguishes 93 types of people, and describes the nature of ‘sympathy’ and ‘antipathy’ between humans. In the same work, the author develops some views on the structure of society and attempts some suggestions for its superior organization. In his second composite philosophical treatise, the «Kosmikè Délosis» (Cosmic Declaration),Theodore spells out his cosmology. In four speeches he examines a) the container, that is, the heavens, b) the content, i.e. the elements, c) the affinity between container and content, i.e. what pertains to life and the world, and d) what pertains to human ignorance. Theodore can be described as a thinker accustomed to thinking and theorizing in a mathematical manner. His inclination towards mathematics is evident in his use of mathematical notation, which he employs extensively in his philosophical works («Kosmikè Délosis» and «De communione naturali»), as well as in his theological writings (mainly in the On Christian Theology). In his work «Kosmikè Délosis» characteristic are his figurative references to the most perfect spiritual creation, the mind, which is described as spherical, like the heavens, the most perfect cosmic creation.11 The mind is also treated as triangular, as a representation, that is, of the interaction and interdependence which it contains as wholeness and oneness; but as square too, for it leads knowledge back to the oneness of the knowing spirit. In his work «De communione naturali» such philosophical efforts are developed further, coupled by an attempt to describe the transition from the triangle and the square to the circle. In his theological treatise On Christian Theology, mathematical notation is even used in the structure of his exposition. Thus, for example, Sermon b, entitled That Being is One is further divided into: Proposition, Exposition, Specification, Proofs and Conclusion. Distinctive is the author’s effort to expand the use of mathematical notation beyond the confines of Triadology, where its application is, at any rate, reasonable.12 His use of a geometrical pattern is noteworthy when he attempts to present Hellenism as the centre to which all the progressive trends in the arts and sciences converge. These Hellenocentric ideas are furthermore intimately related with the internal policies promoted by the emperor. 4.2. Works Theodore’s oeuvre is divided into the following categories: 4.2.1. Political works, encomia, epitaphs, rhetorical works a.o. 1) Encomium on the Great city of Nicaea (In laudem Nicaeae urbis oratio) 13 2) Epitaph to the king of the Germans Frederick (Epitaphium in Fridericum II imperatorem),14 3) Encomium on John Vatatzes (Laudatio Ioannis Ducae Imperatoris),15 4) Encomium on the great Philosopher Sir Georgios Acropilites (Laudatio Georgii Acropolitei), 5) To Sir Georgios Mouzalon (on Slaves and Masters), 6) Reply sent to those residing in the East, when the ruler of the Russians came to this king to beg him to stop his war against the Bulgarians, offering in return the fortress of Tzepaina,16 7) Apologetic oration to some malevolent people bothering us (Sermo adversus maledicos),17 8)Apologetic oration to some friends who pressure us to marry, 9) Encomium on St Tryphon, 10) Encomium on Spring and the Refined Man, 11) Defensio caelibatus, 12) De subiectorum in principem officiis, 13) In dissimulatorem quendam. 4.2.2. Philosophical works 1)De communione naturali, Sermones VI. Ideas on society are developed there. With respect to the role of wise men, the author states characteristically “[...] so the best society and its participants are those who have received education, and it would be best if as many as possible received education, otherwise they will be beast-like and antisocial [...]”.18 2) «Kosmikè Délosis» (Cosmic Declaration). 4.2.3. Theological works Apart from his hymnographical works (mainly the Great Paracletic Canon), where he sentimentally expresses his approach to theological themes, Theodore II also wrote treatises, in which he expounded in remarkable depth theological issues, always combining theology with philosophy. As he mentions, “those who have combined philosophy with theology are the most excellent theologians”. His main theological works are the Eight Sermons on Christian Theology and On the Holy Mother of God. The deeply religious author confesses that his love of God and his faith to Him are his pride (“For us our pride is the love of the divine and the confession of our faith in God”, in On Christian Theology, vii.23). 1) Eight Sermons on Christian Theology (Sermones VIII de theologia christiana). This is his main composite theological work. It can be safely dated to after 1254. It testifies to his deep knowledge of theology and his insistence on the tradition of the Orthodox dogma, placing Theodore Laskaris among the most authoritative and important theologians of the 13th century. It comprises eight books. Of special interest is the sermon On the Procession of the Holy Spirit, written as a retort to Nicolaus of Douratsion, bishop of Kotrone.19 With respect to his writing methodology, we can discern an effort to combine the mystical locution of Dionysius Aeropagites with Neoplatonic dialectic and the mathematical methods. The proofs and conclusions are connected. The sermons are concise, usually having the length of a lecture. His excellent knowledge of the Greek language is evident. The grace of Attic Greek is combined with the ecclesiastical terminology rendering his idiom very eloquent. The writer does not loose contact, though, with the demotic language and this prevents his style from becoming stilted and tortuous. He employs a wealth of platitudes and rhetorical figures in a literary manner. The mathematical structure of his utterance remains characteristic. Many rare words are attested, especially in the fourth sermon On God's Name,which should be considered as a philological rather as a theological piece. The eight sermons are the following: Sermon I On Being, Sermon II That Being is One, Sermon III That the One is Three-fold, Sermon IV On God's Name, Sermon V On the Holy Trinity, Sermon VI First Sermon against the Latins. On the Holy Spirit, Sermon VII Second Sermon against the Latins. On the Procession of the Holy Spirit (De processione spiritus sancti), Sermon VIII To the Annunciation of the our Holy Mother of God, that is on the Kenosis of our Lord Jesus Christ. 2) Sermon to the Holy Mother of God, to be read during the feast of the Akathistos.20 4.2.4. Satirical works 1) To some secretive person who derides us, 2) Satire of the pedagogue Christophoros Zabariotes or Satire of his bailiff for he is the most ugly and evil (Satyra in paedagogum).21 4.2.5. Hymnographical works Theodore II composed and dedicated to the Mother of God some canons of exceptional spiritual and religious value. Some of this works, especially the Great Paracletic Canon to the Mother of God, became very popular in the Orthodox Church, were translated into Slavonic, Armenian and other languages and have become an intergral part of ecclesiastical chant. 1) Great Paracletic Canon to the Mother of God, Plagal mode IV (Των λυπηρών επαγωγαί χειμάζουσι...),22 2) Canon to the Akathistos Hymn, 3)Canon to the Mother of God. ModeI(Χαίροις ιλαστήριον ψυχών.. ),23 4) Paracletic Canon to the Mother of God (Χαράς ημίν πρόξενος...), 5)Versified prosomoia to the Mother of God following the alphabet. ModeI(Χαίρε αγαλλίασις αγνή αγγέλων αγλάισμα...), 6) Theotokia(Λαμπάδα φαίδρυνον σεμνή πύλη φωτός αδύτου...), 7) Prosomoia to the Ainoi following the alphabet. 4.2.6. Letters The 218 surviving letters Theodore II sent to express his gratitude, congratulations or condolences e.t.c. to various scholars, statesmen and clerics preserve a wealth of information that illuminate the emperor’s personality and his intellectual abilities, and the empire’s spiritual and political life in general. The first collection of epistles was compiled and edited by George Akropolites, who also composed a metrical prologue. 4.2.7. Unpublished works As mentioned above, many of Theodore II’s works remain unpublished. Among these are the following: Encomium to Spring and the Refined Man, Ethical epitomes indicating the Inconstancy of Life (in codex Ambr. Gr. 208 infer. f. 78), Apologetic oration to some friends who pressure us to marry;his two satirical works; Encomium on Truth, On Virtue, On the Lent, Encomium on St Euthymios, Encomium on Ss Cosmas and Damian a.o. |
1. According to some historical sources, the heir Theodore was born on the day of his father's accession to the throne. Nikephoros Gregoras, Historia Ι, p. 8, 2-3, mentions “ὁμοῦ τε γὰρ αὐτὸς ἐξ ὠδίνων εἰς φῶς προήγετο μητρικῶν καὶ ὁμοῦ τὰ τῆς αὐτοκρατορίας σκῆπτρα ὁ πατὴρ ἄρτι ἐδέδεκτο”. Other sources date his birth a bit earlier. According to Georgios Akropolites, Chronike Syngraphe, 52, 76-77, “σχεδὸν γὰρ τῇ πατρικῇ ἀναρρήσει καὶ ἡ γέννησις ἐκείνου συνέδραμεν”. Today the prevalent view is that Theodore Laskaris was born early in the year 1222. 2. In honour of Georgios Akropolites, Theodore composed an encomium. His correspondence indicates that he respected Nikephoros Blemmydes more, who greatly influenced him on his philosophical views, and his habitual advisor on issues of a theological nature. Cf. Andreeva, M.A., Ocerki po klul’ture vizantijskogo dvore v XIII veko (Prague 1927), pp. 109-110, and Κρικώνης, Χ.Θ., Θεοδώρου Β΄ Λασκάρεως: Περί χριστιανικής θεολογίας λόγοι (Ανάλεκτα Βλατάδων 49, Ίδρυμα Πατερικών Μελετών, Θεσσαλονίκη 1988). 3. Irene was married in early 1258 to the Bulgarian tsar Constantine Tich. Following the accession of Michael VIII Palaiologos to the Byzantine throne in 1261, she pressed her husband to avenge the usurper Michael VIII for the blinding of her brother John IV Laskaris. 4. Maria was married in May 1256, in Thessalonica, to Nikephoros, the son of Michael II of Epirus. 5. Theodora was married in 1261 to the Frankish noble Velincourt, see Nicephori Gregorae historiae Byzantinae, 3 vols. Corpus scriptorum historiae Byzantinae Ι (Bonn 1829-1855), p. 92. 6. Eudokia was the youngest daughter of Theodore II. She was wed to the count of Ventimiglia, see Polemis, D., The Doukai: a contribution to Byzantine prosopography (London 1968), p. 110. 7. There is no information of Helen’s death. We are only certain that it occurred before the accession of Theodore to the throne, who in an apologetic speech felt the need to explain his decision not to remarry (Apologetic oration to some friends who pressure us to marry). Deeply sorrowful for his wife's premature death, Theodore also wrote a treatise entitled Ethical epitomes indicating the Inconstancy of Life, a didactical work in which he expounds some thoughts on the meaning of life. 8. The title Theodore bore during his father’s reign is uncertain. In all likelihood he had received the title of despotes. His significant presence in the administration of the state is indicated by the tours he made to the most important cities of Asia Minor c.1250, see Andreeva, M.A., Ocerki po klul’ture vizantijskogo dvore v XIII veko (Prague 1927), pp. 101-102. 9. On his illness, his tonsure and the end of his life we can draw information from Georgios Acropolites (Chronike Syngraphe, 153, § 74, “Μετά δε ταύτα νόσω δεινή ο βασιλεύς Θεόδωρος περιπέπωκεν…”), Nicephorus Gregoras, (Historia ΙΙΙ, 1, 61-62), Nicephorus Blemmydes (Partial Account, pp. 47-48, § 48), the Ephraim (Chronographia, 9246), Georgios Pachymeres (Ι, 32, 1-35, 15 and 35-39) a.o. 10. Generally and on specific works see Pappadopoulos, J.B., Théodore II Lascaris, empereur de Nicée (Paris 1908); Andreeva, M.A., Ocerki po klul’ture vizantijskogo dvore v XIII veko (Prague 1927); Τωμαδάκη, Ν., Σύλλαβος βυζαντινών μελετών και κειμένων (Αθήνα 1961); Κρικώνης, Χ.Θ., Θεοδώρου Β' Λασκάρεως: Περί χριστιανικής θεολογίας λόγοι (Ανάλεκτα Βλατάδων 49, Ίδρυμα Πατερικών Μελετών, Θεσσαλονίκη 1988). On the research of the manuscripts and the need for an in-depth study of Theodore II’s rich oeuvre see Astruc, Ch., “La tradition manuscrite des oeuvres oratoire profanes de Theodore Lascaris”, Travaux et memoires 1 (1965), pp. 393-394. 11. According to E. Ivanka, the main researcher of Theodore Lascaris' mathematical views, his references to the spherical shape of the heavens are purely figurative, and do not indicate that the author accepted the view that the sky was spherical, see Ivanka, E., “Mathematische Symbolik in den beiden Schriften des Kaisers Theodoros II. Laskaris: Δήλωσις φυσική und Περί φυσικής κοινωνίας”, Byz. Forsch. 4 (1972), pp. 138-141. 12. Generally on the subject of mathematical symbolics see Κρικώνης, Χ.Θ., Θεοδώρου Β' Λασκάρεως: Περί χριστιανικής θεολογίας λόγοι (Ανάλεκτα Βλατάδων 49, Ίδρυμα Πατερικών Μελετών Θεσσαλονίκη 1988). 13. Published in Bachmann, L. Theodori Ducae Lascaris imperatoris in laudem Nicaeae urbis oratio (Rostock 1847). 14. Published in Pappadopoulos, J.B., Théodore II Lascaris, empereur de Nicée (Paris 1908), pp. 183-89. Republished by Στέφανος Ν. Δραγούμης, “Θεοδώρου Δούκα Λασκάρεως επιτάφιος εις Φρεδερίκον Β΄ βασιλέα των Αλαμανών”, in Βυζαντινίς Β΄(1911-12), pp. 404-413 (the text in pp. 406-413). 15. Published in Andreeva, M.A., “A propos de l’éloge de l’empereur Jean III Batatzès par son fils Théodore II Lascaris”, in Seminarium Kondakovianum 10 (1938), pp. 137-138 and 141 (excerpts). 16. Published in Festa, pp. 279-282, Appendix I. 17. Published in Festa, pp. 283-289, Appendix II. 18. On Theodore Lascaris’ philosophical works and views see Dräseke, J., “Theodoros Lascaris”, in BZ 3 (1894), pp. 498-515 and Theodoros Dukas Laskaris, der natürliche Zusammenhang: ein Zeugnis vom Stand der byzantinischen Philosophie in der Mitte des 13. Jahrhunderts (Gerhard, R., 1915-, Amsterdam: A. M. Hakkert, 1989). 19. Bishop Nicolaus was a papal legate to Nicaea and authored a book named “Βιβλίον περί της πίστεως εις την Αγία Τριάδα”, a work which Lascaris criticized severely, insisting that “το Πνεύμα το άγιον εκ του πατρός και μόνο εκπορεύεσθαι δογματίζει. Εκ του υιού δε ουκ εκπορεύεσθαι μεν φάμεν, δια του υιού δε χορηγείσθαι ημίν προς κάθαρσιν και αγιασμόν και πιστεύομεν και δοξάζομεν”. 20. Published in Σωτήρ 16 (1894), pp. 186-92. 21. Cf. Papadopoulos, J. B., La satire de précepteur, oeuvre inédite de Théodore II Lascaris empereur de Nicée - Rendu de deuxième Congrès int. des Études Byzantine (Beograd 1929), pp. 27. 22. See PG 140, 759-80 and many liturgical books. 23. See Ευστρατιάδου Σωφρ. Μέγα Θεοτοκάριον Α΄ (1931), pp. 39-42. |