1. Finding the Altar
The sculpted decoration of the altar of Pergamon was brought to light during excavations carried out by a German expedition (1878-1881 and 1883-1886) under Carl Humann, who had traced the site of the monument already from 1871.1 All findings were taken to and are kept in Berlin. The first exhibition of reliefs opened in December 1901.2 2. Τopography and Architecture of the Altar
The monument was erected on the acropolis of Pergamon, to the south of the temple of Athena and the theatre, and measured 36.44 m along the eastern and western sides and 34.20 m along the northern and southern sides.3 Access to the flat area of the monument was through a propylon to the east. The altar rested on a high base to the north, south and east. To the west there was a monumental staircase for those going up inside the monument, where the main altar stood. On top of the monument’s base was a depicting the Gigantomachy (Battle of Giants). Above the first frieze was a smaller one showing Telephus and covering the interior of the colonnade. The peristasis, behind the , outside the monument, probably accommodated statues, as evidenced by the imprints of square and circular bases discerned at certain points. The monument’s superstructure was adorned with horses, lions, and .4 Several fragments of the full-relief works were found during the German excavations on the flat area of the altar, mainly to the north of the monument. The only representation of the monument is found on coins minted by the Roman emperor Septimius Severus (193-211 AD), showing the western view with the monumental staircase. The same representation includes four statues that adorned the monument’s superstructure, with two of them, to the left, depicting Apollo and Artemis.5Pausanias and Lucius Ampelius are the only writers who make short mentions of the altar.6 3. Chronology
The monument is dated to the period of Eumenes II (197-159 BC), possibly after his military operations against Bithynia and Pontus, which were successfully terminated in 179 BC.7 According to some scholars, the monument was constructed at a subsequent moment, possibly after 166 BC, when Eumenes II defeated the Galatians. This view is based on the chronology of the pottery items found on the subbase of the monument, although most scholars doubt it. The works was possibly completed between 139 BC and 133 BC, namely the deaths of Attalus II and the last ruler of the dynasty, Attalus III (138-133 BC).8 4. The Gigantomachy Frieze
The large frieze –the first completed– depicts the Gigantomachy.9 It is 2.30 m high and nearly 120 m long. The marble includes approximately 120 plaques –whose width ranges from 0.70 to 1.10 metres–, has fine granules and comes from Asia Minor.10 The lower part of the figures on the frieze must have been completed before the plaques were attached to the monument, otherwise damage would have been caused to the upper part of the base, where the frieze rested, while the figures were being carved. There are 84 figures preserved to date, even parts of them, although the original number may have been up to 10011 plus figures of animals (dogs, lions, horses, snakes and eagles). Several figures were identified with the help of inscriptions. The names of the gods were inscribed on the Egypt-like above the of the . The cyma crowned the scene and the names of the Giants, the sons of Ge (Earth) and Uranus found on the lower cyma, where the frieze unfolded its scenes. The names of the 14 sculptors who worked for the frieze appear on the plinth of the frieze, under the 17 surviving names of Giants.12 The names and positions of 14 figures, the positions and parts of the names of 4 figures as well as the names, but not the exact positions, of another 4 figures are known. Finally, the names of Euros, Erytheia and Esperethousa are partly preserved, though the exact position of the figures cannot be concluded. As for the 59 remaining figures of gods and Giants, for which no inscription has survived, 39 of them can be possibly identified. Researchers have been struggling to reconstruct iconography since the late 19th century.13 An earlier version suggested by Puchstein and Robert and published in two different articles in the same year (1888) is particularly popular. According to the two researchers, the eastern side included Olympian gods (Zeus, Hera, Athena and Ares), whom Heracles and Nike were dashing to help. The southern part was occupied by Leto and her offspring, Artemis and Apollo. The northern side depicted personifications of constellations, accompanied by Aphrodite, her mother Dione, the Fates and the Charites (Graces), while the southern side depicted Helios and other heavenly bodies of the day. The figures of the northwestern wing were sea deities (Triton, Amphitrite), while those of the southwestern were members of the Dionysian troop accompanying Dionysus and possibly his mother Semele. The most serious doubts expressed about the theory of Puchstein and Robert were formulated by Simon, who interpreted the scenes of the frieze in direct connection with Hesiod’s Theogony.14 After a combined examination of the identified figures, the preserved symbols of the unidentified figures and the ancient text, she supported that the Giants on the eastern and southern sides fight against the descendants of Ge and Uranus, on the northern against the descendants of Nychta (Night) and on the northwestern side against the descendants of Pontus. 5. Stylistic and Typological Characteristics of the Gigantomachy Frieze
The relief figures of the Gigantomachy, which cover the entire height of the frieze, are passionate and dramatic.15 The gods and the Giants are described by their sweeping, clashing and frequently violent movements and their outward posture. The compositions of clashing bodies include multiply crossing and intersecting axes, which do not follow any specific rule. The vividly moving figures are quite the opposite of similar past representations. The exaggerated movements are completely incompatible with the feelings of passion, anxiety and agony reflected on Giants’ faces. By contrast, the oval faces of the gods with the small foreheads and the protruded cheeks deliberately emit calmness and self-confidence –the expressions of a specific mentality of the gods, who are not carried away by primeval passions.16 The comparison between the clashing groups of gods and Giants reveals their different intellectual and emotional worlds, in other words, their different “ethos”.17 The anatomy of the bodies attributes particular importance to rendering the details of large, solid and tense masses, thus resulting in vividly plastic figures and strong contrasts between light and shade. Contrast is also noted in the clothes of the figures, with the dense, rich folds and the deep furrows. At times the clothes beautify the body, as it happens with the figure of the southern side, allegedly depicting Uranus, while at other times they conceal it, for their folds follow different directions from the posture, which is the case in another figure of the southern side, attributed to Phoebe. Several figures of Giants have human faces, just like the opponents of Triton, Helios and Artemis, the latter bearing helmet, shield and spear. However, their legs, mainly of the elderly, are often depicted as snakes. In two cases they have bull and lion heads. According to lots of scholars, the typology of certain figures is influenced by earlier representations. The typology of Zeus and Athena is reminiscent of the typology of the same gods depicted in the ruined central part of the west pediment of the Parthenon.18 Such similarities are also traced in the Giant fighting against Athena, whose posture reminds of Laocoon of the famous sculpted group, whose lost original is dated to circa 200 BC. 6. The Telephus Frieze
The height of this frieze reaches 1.58 m, while its length probably exceeded 80 m, although later estimates restrict it to a maximum of 60 m.19 The so-called “Telephus frieze” is subsequent to the frieze of the Gigantomachy and, unlike the second, most of the 90 figures preserved occupy a mere 2/3 of the height of the plaques. Some of its relief plaques as well as parts of the colonnade that used to adorn it never reached the final processing phase, which was probably due to the political instability that followed the death of Eumenes II in 159 BC. The representation, with only 1/3 of its original length being preserved, presents the life of Telephus, the son of Heracles and Auge (Dawn), the daughter of Aleus, king of Arcadia. According to Stähler, the monument was not an altar, but a heroon of this mythical hero.20 The representation of his life was the result of Attalid political propaganda, since the hero, who became the king of Mysia, was considered the progenitor of the dynasty. The narration is non-stop, a phenomenon originating in the Hellenistic period and usually described as “circular style”. The episodes were fragmented into different times and places –a technique avoided by the artists of the Classical period, who maintained the succession in space and time in narration, as it happens in the frieze depicting the Gigantomachy. It is difficult to faithfully depict the iconography of the frieze, for several of its plaques, whose interpretation remains vague, are placed in wrong positions. The last combination, which is followed here, was proposed by W.-D. Heilmeyer in 1997.21 Narration starts from the western edge of the north wall and is completed on the east edge of the south wall. The very first scene on the north wall shows Aleus’ court, with Heracles to the right directing his eyes to the sanctuary of Athena, where Auge served as a priestess. The following scenes include the abandonment of Telephus and the construction of a circular raft on which Auge sailed after her expulsion. The next scenes depict her reception by the king of Mysia, Teuthras, and his people as well as the establishment of Athena’s worship by Auge. The scenes continue on the east wall, which was longer than the north and the south walls. Heracles finds Telephus, who is attended by the Nymphs. Then the hero arrives in Mysia, recognizes his mother on the day of their wedding and fights against local enemies and the Achaeans, but is hurt by Achilles. Finally, the south wall depicts his recovery in Argos, the foundation of an altar dedicated to an unknown god, probably Dionysus, in Mysia and his death. The Telephus frieze is considered by lots of scholars as one of the most important forerunners of Roman landscape representation due to the existence of elements suggesting the place of the episodes (rocks, trees and sanctuaries). Several plaques reveal the efforts of the artists to achieve perspective diminution, as evidenced by the way they rendered the circular raft constructed by four male figures for expelling Auge. Similar efforts are made for creating the sense of depth, for they place the figures at two levels rather than in a row, as they appear in the Gigantomachy frieze. There are three characteristic female figures in this part of the frieze, depicted on smaller scale, watching the construction of the raft. |
1. For the personality of Carl Humann, see Schulte, E., Der Pergamon-Altar. Entdeckt, beschrieben und gezeichnet von Carl Humann (Dortmund 1959); Schulte, E., Carl Humann, der Entdecker des Weltwunders von Pergamon in Zeugnissen seiner Zeit, 1839-1896 (Dortmund 1971); Schuchhardt, W.H., “Carl Humann, der Entdecker von Pergamon”, Gymnasium 82 (1975), pp. 293-308; Dörner, F.K. – Dörner, E., Von Pergamon zum Nemrud Dağ. Die archäologischen Entdeckungen Carl Humanns (Mainz am Rhein 1989). 2. The sculpted decoration of the monument was exhibited another three times in the 20th century; see Schraudolph, E., “Die Restaurierung der Friese vom Pergamonaltar”, JbBerlMus 38 (1996), pp. 169-184; Kästner, U., “Ausgrabung und Zusammensetzung”, in Heilmeyer, W.D. (ed.), Der Pergamonaltar. Die neue Präsentation nach Restaurierung des Telephosfrieses (Tübingen 1997), pp. 9-16, fig. 1-8. 3. For the monuments of Pergamon, see Radt, W., Pergamon. Geschichte und Bauten, Funde und Erforschung einer antiken Metropole (Köln 1988); Radt, W., Pergamon. Archäologischer Führer (Istanbul 1989). For the altar of Pergamon, see Belov, G.D., Altar’ Zevsa v Pergame (Leningrad 1959); Rohde, E., Der Altar von Pergamon. Antiken-Sammlung (Berlin 1960); Schmidt, E., Der grosse Altar zu Pergamon (Leipzig 1961); Müller, W., Der Pergamon-Altar (Leipzig 1964); Rohde, E., Pergamon. Burgberg und Altar (Berlin 1976); Schalles, H.J., Der Pergamonaltar. Zwischen Bewertung und Verwertbarkeit (Frankfurt 1986); Hoepfner, W., “Zu den grossen Altären von Magnesia und Pergamon”, AA 1989, pp. 601-634; Kunze, M., “Nachvollzug von archäologischer Forschung. Zur Ausstellung 'Ein Jahrhundert Forschungen zum Pergamonaltar'", FuΒ 28 (1990), pp. 97-103; Kunze, M., “Neue Beobachtungen zum Pergamonaltar”, in Andreae, B. (ed.), Phyromachos-Probleme. Mit einem Anhang zur Datierung des grossen Altares von Pergamon (RM Ergänzungsheft 31, Mainz am Rhein 1990), pp. 123-139, fig. 1-3; Kunze, M., “Neue Forschungen zum Pergamonaltar. Kritisches Resume” in Etienne, R. – Le Dinahet, M.-T. (ed.), L’espace sacrificiel dans les civilisations méditerranéennes de l’antiquité. Actes du colloque, Lyon 4-7 juin 1988 (Lyon 1991), pp. 135-140; Smith, R.R.R., Hellenistic sculpture, a handbook (London 1991), pp. 157-166, fig. 193-199; Beutelschmidt, T. – Koppen, M., “Entstehung, Verwertung, Aneignung. Materialen zu einer Geschichte des Pergamon-Altars”, in Faber, R. – Kytzler, B. (ed.), Antike heute (Würzburg 1992), pp. 30-53; Schmidt, T.M., “Der Pergamonaltar. Weltwunder oder Investitionsruine?”, Gymnasium 101 (1994), pp. 1-6; Schalles, H.T., “Rezeptionsgeschichtliche Nachlese zum Pergamonaltar”, in Rössler, D. – Stürmer, V. (ed.), Modus in Rebus. Gedenkschrift für Wolfgang Schindler (Berlin 1995), pp. 188-200; Hoepfner, E., “Der vollendete Pergamonaltar”, AA 1996, pp. 115-134, fig. 1-18. For the monument’s architecture, see Kunze, M., Kästner, V., Der Altar von Pergamon. Hellenistische und römische Architektur (Berlin 19902); Kästner, V., Pergamonmuseum. Griechische und römische Architektur (Mainz am Rhein 1992). 4. Kästner, V., “Vorläufiger Bericht zu den Ergebnissen der Untersuchungen am Oberbau des Pergamonaltars”, in Bericht über die 40. Tagung für Ausgrabungswissenschaft und Bauforschung, Wien 20.-23. Mai 1998 (Bonn 2000), pp. 64-78. 5. Price, M.J. – Trell, B.L., Coins and their cities. Architecture on the ancient coins of Greece, Rome, and Palestine (London 1977), pp. 122-123; Schmidt, T.-M., “Der späte Beginn und der vorzeitige Abbruch der Arbeiten am Pergamonaltar”, in Andreae, B. (ed.), Phyromachos-Probleme. Mit einem Anhang zur Datierung des grossen Altares von Pergamon (RM Ergänzungsheft 31, Mainz am Rhein 1990), p. 162, pl. 87, 2; Kunze, M., “Parthenon und Pergamonaltar. Das Bildprogramm am Pergamonaltar als Ruckgriff auf den Parthenon”, Thetis 3 (1996), p. 73, n. 30; Kästner, V., “Die Architektur des Pergamonaltars und der Telephosfries”, in Heilmeyer, W.D. (ed.), Der Pergamonaltar. Die neue Präsentation nach Restaurierung des Telephosfrieses (Tübingen 1997), p. 62, fig. 8. 6. Pausanias 5.13.8; Luc. Ampel., Liber memorialis 8.14. 7. Hoepfner, W., “Siegestempel und Siegesaltäre. Der Pergamonaltar als Siegesmonument”, in Hoepfner, W. – Zimmer, G. (ed.), Die griechische Polis. Architektur und Politik (Tübingen 1993), pp. 111-125. 8. For the chronology of the monument, see Callaghan, P.J., “On the date of the Great Altar of Zeus at Pergamon”, BICS 28 (1981) pp. 115-121; Borker, C., “Zur Datierung des Pergamon-Altares”, in Akten des 13. internationalen Kongresses für klassische Archaeologie, Berlin [24.-30. Juli 1988] (Mainz am Rhein 1990), pp. 591-592; Schmidt, T.-M., “Der späte Beginn und der vorzeitige Abbruch der Arbeiten am Pergamonaltar”, in Andreae, B. (ed.), Phyromachos-Probleme. Mit einem Anhang zur Datierung des grossen Altares von Pergamon (RM Ergänzungsheft 31, Mainz am Rhein 1990), pp. 141-162. 9. The Gigantomachy frieze is one of the most known representations of the Hellenistic period; see Luschey, H., Funde zu dem grossen Fries von Pergamon (Berlin 1962); Howard, S., “Another prototype for the gigantomachy of Pergamon”, AJA 68 (1964), pp. 129-136; Davesne, A., “Remarques sur la grande frise de l’autel de Pergame”, REA 77 (1975), pp. 74-79; Schmidt-Dounas, B., “Zur Westseite des Pergamonaltares”, MDAI (A) 107 (1992), pp. 295-301. 10. For the construction materials of the monument, see Cramer, T., “Die Marmore des Telephosfrieses am Pergamonaltar”, BerlBeitrArchäom 15 (1998), pp. 95-198. 11. There are several fragments of figures connected with the Gigantomachy frieze; see Rohde, E., “Funde zur sogenannten Beissergruppe am Pergamon-Nordfries”, AA (1964), pp. 91-100; Kleiner, G., “Die Istanbuler Platte vom pergamenischen Gigantenfries”, MDAI (I) 17 (1967), pp. 168-172; Rohde, E., “Das verlorene Haupt des Zeus. Stellungnahme zu einem Anpassungsversuch am Pergamon-Ostfries”, MDAI (I) 26 (1976), pp. 101-110; Radt, W., “Der 'Alexanderkopf' in Istanbul. Ein Kopf aus dem grossen Fries des Pergamon-Altares”, AA (1981), pp. 583-596; Vickers, M., “The thunderbolt of Zeus. Yet more fragments of the Pergamon Altar in the Arundel Collection”, AJA 89 (1985), pp. 516-519. 12. Thimme, D., “The makers of the Pergamon Gigantomachy”, AJA 50 (1946), pp. 345-357. 13. Pfanner, M., “Bemerkungen zur Komposition und Interpretation des grossen Frieses von Pergamon”, AA (1979), pp. 46-57 (including earlier bibliography). 14. Simon, E., Pergamon und Hesiod (Mainz am Rhein 1975). For Hesiod’s work, see Βλάχος, Σ. – Βλάχος, Α., Ησίοδου Θεογονία (Athens 2002). 15. Süssenbach, U., Der Frühhellenismus im griechischen Kampfrelief. Versuch einer Rekonstruktion der Stilentwicklung vom Mausoleum von Halikarnassos bis zum groβen Altarfries von Pergamon (Bonn 1971); Amberger-Lahrmann, M., Anatomie und Physiognomie in der hellenistischen Plastik, dargestellt am Pergamonaltar (Stuttgart 1996). 16. Luschey, H., “Der Kopf der Aphrodite aus dem Grossen Fries von Pergamon”, MDAI (I) 11 (1961), pp. 1-4. 17. Neumer-Pfan, W., “Die kämpfenden Göttinnen vom grossen Fries des Pergamonaltars”, VisRel 2 (1983), pp. 75-90; Fehr, B., “Society, consanguinity and the fertility of women. The community of deities on the great frieze of the Pergamum altar as a paradigm of cross-cultural ideas”, in Hannestad, L. – Engberg-Pedersen, T. – Bilde, P. (ed.), Conventional values of the hellenistic Greeks (Aarhus 1997), pp. 48-66; La Rocca, E., “Die Zwölfgötter, Hera und die Verherrlichung der Attaliden am grossen Altar von Pergamon”, JbBerlMus 40 (1998), pp. 7-30. 18. Zinserling, G., “Parthenon, Pergamonaltar, augusteische Repräsentationskunst. Zum Problem des Klassizismus als formalem und inhaltlichem Phänomen”, in Concilium Eirene XVI. Proceedings of the 16th international Eirene Conference, Prague 31.8-4.9.1982 2 (Prague 1983), pp. 100-105; Kunze, M., “Parthenon und Pergamonaltar. Das Bildprogramm am Pergamonaltar als Rückgriff auf den Parthenon?”, Thetis (1996), pp. 71-80. 19. There are several monographs and articles dealing with independent issues of the Telephus frieze; see Stahler, K.P., Das unklassische im Telephosfries. Die Friese des Pergamonaltares im Rahmen der hellenistischen Plastik (Münster 1966); Dreyfus, R. – Schrandolph, E. (ed.), Pergamon. The Telephos frieze from the Great Altar, 1. Catalogue published with the exhibition at the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, 16. January-14. April 1996, Fine Arts Museums of San Francisco, 4. May - 8. September 1996 (San Francisco 1996); Heilmeyer, W.D. (ed.), Der Pergamonaltar. Die neue Präsentation nach Restaurierung des Telephosfrieses (Tübingen 1997). 20. For this view, see Stähler, Κ., “Ueberlegungen zur architektonischen Gestalt des Pergamonaltares”, in von Senser, S. – Schwertheim, E. – Wagner, J. (ed.), Studien zur Religion und Kultur Kleinasiens. Festschrift K. Dörner (Leiden 1978), pp. 838-867. 21. Heilmeyer, W.-D., “Neue Anordnung und Deutung des kleinen Frieses vom Pergamonaltar”, in Heilmeyer, W.D. (ed.), Der Pergamonaltar. Die neue Präsentation nach Restaurierung des Telephosfrieses (Tübingen 1997), pp. 194-195. |