1. Construction of the temple and Donor
The church of Theodore Gabras in Trebizond was built, according to his missal,1 in honour of the saint who was martyred by the Seljuks on the 2nd of October 1098 in Theodosioupolis (Erzerum). The church was a donation by Constantine Gabras, Theodore’s nephew, who, like his uncle, was a strategos from 1118 until 1143 in the Theme of Chaldia, whose capital was Trebizond.2 It was built on the east of the city, in the quarter of St. Basil and near the church of St. Anne.3The Gabras family, a well-known lineage of officials in Trebizond that governed the city for a long time, had at times largely financed ecclesiastic monuments of the area.4 The church of St. Theodore was destroyed due to unknown reasons little before or during the Empire of the Grand Komnenoi of Trebizond (second half of the 12th c. – first half of the 14th c.). The gynaikonites in the northern part of the church seems to have been the only part preserved until the early 20th century. No other information about the 12th century building is known. 2. The Monastery in the Age of the Grand Komnenoi
A chrysobull5 issued by Alexios III Grand Komnenos of Trebizond (1349-1390) in 1364, concerning privileges granted by the Emperor to the Venetian merchants of the city, mentions a monastery dedicated to St. Theodore Gabras. This is not confirmed by the saint’s missal, which mentions only the original church of Constantine Gabras.6 Among others, the chrysobull of Alexios ratified the allocation of land to the Venetians, in an area spreading from the monastery of St. Theodore Gabras to the sea, on the eastern outskirts of the city.7 As a result, it is likely that the first building of the monastic complex, dedicated to Gabras and established by the mid-14th century, when the chrysobull was issued, was the original 12th century church. The establishment of a monastic community around the original church certainly shows that the cult of the local saint started to spread in the 13th and the 14th century and that the saint had become an important figure in the local religious tradition, his importance being not irrelevant to the social status of the Gabras family. Another small double-apse church seems to have been built on the remains of the 12th century building during the last years of the Empire of the Grand Komnenoi, incorporating the preserved northern part of the original 12th century church (gynaikonites). The building certainly belonged to the monastic complex of St. Theodore Gabras, although it may not be identified with the katholikon of the monastery, because of its small dimensions and the fact that the documents of the time make no mention of the typology of the katholikon. In that double-apse building, the left niche of the bema was dedicated to St. Theodore Gabras, while the right niche was dedicated to St. Demetrios.8 The dedication to St. Demetrios may be inferred by the fact that during the liturgies of St. Theodore and St. Demetrios almost the same typika, Acts of Apostles and Gospel excerpts are read. 3. The Period of the Ottoman domination
3.1 General about the period
The monastery of St. Theodore Gabras remained Orthodox but it was devastated in the course of time. The former gynaikonites was the only part of the complex preserved in a fairly good condition until the early 20th century, when the area was turned into a cemetery. The available information about the morphology and the decoration of the gynaikonites comes from J. Meliopoulos, who thoroughly studied and published papers about the remains of the monastic complex as it was preserved until the early 20th century (1930). The complex seems to have been completely ruined since then, as there are no traces of medieval buildings in the area.9
3.2 Painting Decoration
According to information, the internal dimensions of the gynaikonites must have been 3.48 m in length and 3.37 m in width.10 On the western side of that space, which must have been fully decorated with wall-paintings, a fragment depicting the Last Judgement was preserved until the early 20th century. The painting covered the entire western wall of the gynaikonites as well as a part of the southern wall, over the door through which the gynaikonites communicated with the rest of the church. It should be noted11 that the painting depicted Jesus Christ at the centre, enthroned and encircled by a colourful, round mandorla (doxa). He was flanked by the full-length portraits of the Virgin Mary and St. John Prodromos to the right and left of Him respectively, praying in intercession. It is the well-known iconographical type of Deesis. Flames were painted beneath the figure of Christ. A little lower there were six Apostles to the right of the Deesis and six to the left, sitting on thrones and holding codices in their hands. The Apostles’ thrones were depicted in rows, under apses, while behind them were groups of saints, prophets and martyrs. The depiction of the wealthy man from the parable of Lazarus was preserved until the early 20th century to the left of Christ. We should assume that this scene was followed by other scenes with the damned, since such scenes were part of the typical icononographic representation of the Last Judgement, adopted by the Byzantine art already from the 11th century.12 It is also reported that the banner of Constantine Gabras was painted on one of the walls on the gynaikonites.13 It was a tricolour banner (brown, white and azure), with a crown at the centre, a single-headed eagle (the emblem of the Trebizond rulers) in the bottom left corner and the full-length facing portrait of St. Eugenios, on bishop’s attire, in the bottom right corner. The gynaikonites had three more doors to the east, west and south. Jesus Christ with tied hands and inclined head in front of the Cross was depicted above the western door. It is the iconographic type of the Man of Sorrows (Akra Tapeinosis). Although these wall-paintings may date back to the 12th century, when the construction of the gynaikonites started, it is more than likely that they were made during the last years of the Empire of the Grand Komnenoi, when the gynaikonites was incorporated in the later double-apse church and was probably restored. 4. Chapel of St. Gabras
Small chapel with old wall-paintings also dedicated to St. Theodore Gabras (Aye-Gabras), situated near the village of Kounaka (now Küçükkonak) of Upper Matzouka.14 The building is in the position Kourance, to the northwest of the village, on the eastern side of Mount Mela and at an altitude of 1,200 m. Bryer, without trying to clarify the exact date of building, says that the dedication to St. Gabras may prove its relation to medieval times.15 The dedication of the chapel to St. Theodore Gabras is eloquent of the position the saint held in the religious tradition of the wider area and, as a result, of the spread of his cult.
1. Μηλιοπούλου, Ι., «Τραπεζουντιακά Αρχαιολογήματα», ΕΕΒΣ 7 (1930), pp. 70-71 and note 1· Μυστακίδου, Β.Α., «Τραπεζουντιακά. Κώδικες Φροντιστηρίου. Γαβράς Θεόδωρος», ΕΕΒΣ 7 (1930), pp. 88-90. 2. Janin dates the term of Constantine Gabras three years earlier, that is between 1115 and 1140· Janin, R., Les églises et les monastères des grands centres byzantins (Paris 1975), p. 271. 3. Janin, R., Les églises et les monastères des grands centres byzantins (Paris 1975), σελ. 254. 4. Regarding the family's history see Σαββίδης, Α., Βυζαντινά Στασιαστικά και Αυτονομιστικά Κινήματα στα Δωδεκάνησα και τη Μικρά Ασία, 1189-1240 μ.Χ. Συμβολή στη Μελέτη της Υστεροβυζαντινής Προσωπογραφίας και Τοπογραφίας την εποχή των Αγγέλων, των Λασκαριδών, της Νίκαιας και των Μεγαλοκομνηνών της Τραπεζούντας (Dissertation at the University of Thessaloniki 1984/1985). Addendum Ι, by the same author, “Theodore IΙ Gabras, Lord of Amisos in the early thirteenth century,” ΑΠ 40 (1985), pp. 44-46. It is known that this family renovated a church of St Georgios at the monastery of Chainos in Cheriana, which seems to be related to the monastery of St Eugenios, patron saint of Trebizond, see Janin, R., Les églises et les monastères des grands centres byzantins (Paris 1975), p. 262-263. 5. Zakythinos, D.A., Le Chrysobulle d’Alexios Comnene, Empereur de Trébizonde en faveur des Vénitiens (Paris 1932), pp. 34, 78. 6. Μηλιοπούλου, Ι., «Τραπεζουντιακά Αρχαιολογήματα,», ΕΕΒΣ 7 (1930), p. 71, note 1. 7. Miklosich, Fr. – Muller, J., Acta et Diplomata Graeca Medii Aevi ΙΙΙ (Vienna 1860-1890), p. 133· Talbot Rice, D., “Notes on some religious buildings in the City and Vilayet of Trebizond,” Βυζάντιον 5 (1929-1930), p. 47· Bryer, Α., “The Littoral of the Empire of Trebizond in two fourteenth century portolano maps”, ΑΠ 24 (1961), p. 112· Janin, R., Les églises et les monastères des grands centres byzantins (Paris 1975), p. 271. 8. Μηλιοπούλου, I., «Τραπεζουντιακά Αρχαιολογήματα», ΕΕΒΣ 7 (1930), pp. 71-72. 9. Bryer, A. – Winfield, D., The Byzantine Monuments and Topography of the Pontos (DOS XX, Washington D.C. 1985), vol. Ι, p. 237, no. 115. 10. Μηλιοπούλου, I., «Τραπεζουντιακά Αρχαιολογήματα», ΕΕΒΣ 7 (1930), p. 71. 11. Μηλιοπούλου, I., «Τραπεζουντιακά Αρχαιολογήματα», ΕΕΒΣ 7 (1930), pp. 72-73. 12. For the representation of the Second Advent see for example Garidis, M., Etudes sur le Jugement Dernier post-byzantin du XVe a la fin du XIXe siècle. Iconographie-esthétique (Thessaloniki 1985). 13. Μηλιοπούλου, Ι., «Τραπεζουντιακά Αρχαιολογήματα», ΕΕΒΣ 7 (1930), pp. 75-76. 14. Ζερζελίδης, Γ., «Τοπωνυμικό της Άνω Ματσούκας», ΑΠ 23 (1959), p. 105, no. 19. 15. Bryer, Α. – Winfield, D., The Byzantine Monuments and Topography of the Pontos, vol. Ι, p. 294, no. 36.
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