Εγκυκλοπαίδεια Μείζονος Ελληνισμού, Μ. Ασία

1. Position

Ephesus lies beside Selçuk and Kuşadası, 70 km to the south of Smyrna, near the mouth of River Cayster (Kuçuk Menderes). It has been uninterruptedly inhabited, although it declined after the Arabian conquest of 654/655. Excavations in the city and the neighbouring Artemisium began under the British architect J.T. Wood in 1862 and have been resumed by the Austrian Archaeological Institute since 1895.¹ It is the busiest archaeological site of Asia Minor, with more than 2,500,000 visitors every year. A large part of the city’s remains has been restored mainly focusing on the Roman part of the city.

2. History of Ephesus

2.1. Prehistoric Period

Traces of habitation in the area of Ephesus date from the Neolithic period and, mainly, from the Middle and Late Copper Age (2000-1200 BC). Ephesus is identified with the city Apaša, found in the records of Hittite kings as the capital of the Asia Minor kingdom of Arzawa, towards the late 14^th century BC.² The exact position has not been traced: a Mycenaean inscription of the 14^th century BC was excavated in 1962 at the foot of the hill Ayasuluk, while more recent research carried out by the Museum of Selçuk in the same position revealed some bronze findings of the same period.³

2.2. Foundation of the City and Early History

According to myth, Ephesus was founded by Androclos, the son of the Athenian King Codrus, and a mixed population from Athens, Samos and Aetolia.⁴ When they went there they found a pre-existent settlement built by Lelegians and Carians or Lydians, who worshipped the Great Mother of Gods. The colonists drove the natives out of the upper city but did not harm those living around the sanctuary. They identified the goddess of the natives with Artemis and founded the first fortified position about 1200 m (7 stadia) from Artemisium.⁵ According to tradition, the city was founded in the second half of the 11^th century BC, although archaeological finds do not support such an early date.⁶

Androclos was the first king of the city. He led the Ionians during the war against the Carians and their Samian allies. When the Carians campaigned against Priene, Androclos came to help but, despite the victory, he was killed along with lots of Ephesians.⁷With the help of the phylai of Teians and Careneans the Ephesians who survived revolted against the sons of Androclos, who were recognised as citizens, while two phylai were named after them.⁸

Ephesus was a member of the Ionian Dodecapolis, which was formed after unification of the Ionian states which had destroyed the city Melie and formed the Panionium. Earlier views supporting that a former Ionian confederation was based in Ephesus and that the king of Ephesus was the king of all Ionians lack a historical basis.⁹

2.3. Archaic Period

Around 640 BC Ephesus and the sanctuary of Artemis were raided by the Cimmerians. Pythagoras became a tyrant towards the late 7^th century BC and adopted an anti-aristocratic policy. He was succeeded by a family branch of the Basilides connected with the kings of Lydia [Melas the Elder was the brother-in-law of Gyges (680-652 BC), while his grandson Miletus had married the daughter of Ardys (late 7^th c. BC)]. Melas the Younger must have succeeded Pythagoras in power, while his son Pindar was a tyrant when his uncle Croesus ascended to the Lydian throne in 561/560 BC. In the conflict over the Lydian throne Pindar took the side of Croesus’ half-brother Pantaleon. Croesus besieged the city, but the Ephesians connected it through a rope with the sacred Artemisium and were saved. Finally, Pindar was exiled and Ephesus signed a peace treaty with Lydia, while the city was transferred towards Artemisium. Pasicles assumed power as an aesymnetes but was assassinated by Melas III, the son of Pindar. The Ephesians summoned the Athenian Aristarchus, who established democracy and governed the city for five years. After the Persian occupation (546 BC) pro-Persian tyrants, such as Athenagoras and Comas, were imposed.¹⁰ The city participated in the early operations of the Ionian Revolt (499-494 BC) but was soon subjugated.¹¹ In 492 BC a fully democratic regime was established.¹²

2.4. Clasical Period

In 465 BC Ephesus joined the Delian League,¹³ though it defected in 412 BC.¹⁴ In 409 BC the Athenian general Thrasyllus attempted to capture it, without success,¹⁵ while in 407 BC the Spartan general Lysander arrived and was welcomed warmly.¹⁶ The Spartan admiral tried to approach the aristocrats of Asia Minor by forming Hetaereiae (political associations) absolutely devoted to him. He also helped to increase the income from the harbour of Ephesus as well as the general welfare of the city.¹⁷ He returned in 405 BC and escalated the war, whose outcome had been favourable to Athens so far.¹⁸ Ephesus remained pro-Spartan even during the wars between the Spartans and the Persians (399-394 BC).¹⁹ It was the Spartan military base in Asia Minor during the operations between 392 and 388 BC.²⁰ Under the Peace of Antalcidas (387 BC) the city returned to the Persians. Around 370 BC Ephesus was liberated by a democratic leader, Herophytus, before it was captured again by the satrap of Lydia Autophradates.²¹

In 336 BC, when Parmenion campaigned to Asia Minor, Ephesus was convulsed by a pro-Macedonian democratic revolt that overthrew the pro-Persian oligarchy. However, the revolt failed and a little later the oligarchs under Syrphax, returned to power. In the summer of 334 BC, after the battle of Granicus, Αlexander entered Ephesus. The mercenary guards had previously escaped on two triremes. The democratic followers of the Macedonians started to slaughter the oligarchic supporters of Memnon, the Rhodian military commander of the Persians. Alexander stopped the bloodshed, restored democracy, gave away to Artemis the tax the city paid to the Persians, expressed his respect for the agelong history of the two cities and ordered the return of the exiles. After he sacrificed to Artemis, he marched with his army arrayed for battle through the city and left.²² In 324 BC Ephesus was under the control of the tyrant Hegesias, an organ of the Macedonian policy, who was killed by three brothers.²³

2.5. Hellenistic Period

After Alexander died Ephesus came briefly under Perdiccas, before it was occupied, along with the entire Ionia and Lydia, by Antigonus I Monophthalmos (the One-Eyed) (321/320 BC). Under the Conference of Triparadisus (319 BC), the region came under the satrap of Lydia Cletus and the command of Antipater, who was driven off by Antigonus the following year; the latter captured Ephesus and snaffled the 600 talents of its treasury. The city remained in the hands of the Antigonids until 302 BC, when Cassander’s aide Prepelaus occupied it for a while. However, Demetrius counterattacked in 302 BC and the city surrendered immediately.²⁴

After the Battle of Ipsus (summer of 301 BC), Demetrius withdrew to Ephesus.²⁵ The city was engaged in a three-year bloody war against the tyrant of Priene Hieron, a confidant of Lysimachus, but went bankrupt.²⁶ In 294 BC Ephesus came under the control of Lycimachus.²⁷ He decided to create a large city near the old one, which was named Arsinoea after his wife. For this reason the inhabitants of Colophon, Fygela and Lebedus also joined the new city. Despite its tyrannical character and the reaction from the inhabitants of the above cities, the transfer benefited the development of the city.²⁸ After Lycimachus died (281 BC), Ephesus remained free. However, not before long the city, along with other coastal Asia Minor positions, came under the control of the Lagids.²⁹ In 261-260 BC the son and successor of Ptolemy II, viceroy in Asia Minor and joint ruler from 267 BC, settled in Ephesus and Miletus. With the help of some Timarchus, tyrant of Miletus, Ptolemy revolted against his father, but was killed by his mercenaries. In the same period the Rhodian fleet defeated the Ptolemies in Ephesus. The city came under the Seleucid rule and became the base of Αntioch II in Asia Minor.³⁰

After Antioch II got married to Berenice, the daughter of Ptolemy II (252 BC), his previous wife Laodice settled in Ephesus. Shortly later, in 246 BC, King Antioch II died in the city – he was probably assassinated.³¹ His death resulted in an oppressing crisis and the invasion of Ptolemy III into Asia Minor. Ephesus came again under Lagidian control until 197 BC.³²

In 197 BC the city was captured by Αntioch III and became his most important base in the Aegean. Hannibal landed there (195 BC) before the subsequent unsuccessful war between Antioch and the Romans. In 189 BC, after he was defeated in the Battle in Magnesia ad Sipylum, Antioch evacuated Asia Minor. Ephesus and Tralleis were ceded to Εumenes II, the loyal ally of Rome.³³ Ephesus was proclaimed the second city of the kingdom, second only to Pergamon.³⁴

In his will Attalus III bequeathed his kingdom to the people of Rome, while Ephesus became free. The subsequent Aristonicus' revolt (133-129 BC) offered Ephesus the opportunity to prove its importance as a new ally of Rome: despite the initial defeats of the Romans, the Ephesian fleet won a decisive victory against Aristonicus (131 BC) and made him evacuate the coast. When the revolt ended and the province of Asia was formed, Ephesus remained free along with most important Greek cities.³⁵

2.6. Ephesus under Roman Administration

Ephesus played an important role in the events in the province during Mithradatic War I (90-86 BC). The invasion of the king of Pontus Mithradates VI to the province of Asia fired unprecedented enthusiasm accompanied by the hatred against the Romans. The Ephesians played the leading part in anti-Roman demonstrations: they were the first to smash the Roman statues in the city and readily participated in the slaughter of 80,000 men, women and children from Italy (88 BC) by virtue of an order issued by the king during his stay in the city.³⁶ Mithradates answered by expanding the territory of the asylum in Artemisium of Ephesus. However, the cruel behaviour of the king of Pontus towards the Chians, whom he exiled to the Black Sea, and the appointment of Philopoemen from Stratonicea, a violent military commander and father of his latter wife Monime, in Ephesus led the city to a revolt. The Ephesians besieged the Pontic guard, imprisoned and killed its commander Zenobius and summoned the rest of the Greeks to join them in the war on the side of Rome and their common freedom.³⁷ However, this change did not save the city from the terrible consequences of Sulla’s arrangements: the Roman general convened a congress in Ephesus and reorganised the province. Ephesus was deprived of its freedom (84 BC) and was asked, along with the cities that did not resist Mithradates, to pay high war indemnities.³⁸ About the same period Ephesus was raided by pirates.³⁹

At least from 75 BC Ephesus became a centre of judicial administration (conventus).⁴⁰ In 57 BC Ptolemy XII sought asylum in the city while waiting for some Roman general that would restore him to the throne he had lost when the people of Alexandria had revolted.⁴¹

The city came again at the forefront during the Civil Wars. In 49 BC Metellus Pius Scipio, Pompey’s father-in-law, unsuccessfully tried to snaffle the treasure from the sanctuary of Artemis. However, he confiscated the money managed by the tax collectors (publicani) of Ephesus.⁴² The next year (48 BC) Caesar landed there, accepted the representatives of the Ionians, Aeolians and the cities of Asia and tried to reorganise the province by proposing a new tax system particularly favourable for the cities.⁴³ In 43 BC the assassins of Caesar Brutus and Cassius compelled the Asian cities to pay them taxes for 10 years.⁴⁴ In 41 BC Marcus Antonius entered the city as a New Dionysus during a Bacchic ritual. He gathered the Greeks in the city and demanded that they pay him taxes for 2 years. Antonius returned with Cleopatra in 33 BC.⁴⁵

2.7. Ephesus in the Roman Imperial Period

In the years of the Julio-Claudian and the Flavian dynasty Ephesus became the third most important city in the empire (following Rome and Alexandria).⁴⁶ From 29 BC on it replaced Pergamon as the base of the proconsul-commander of the province of Asia.⁴⁷

Although Augustus reduced the territory of the sanctuary of Artemis and allowed the transfer of the union of the Couretes from Artemisium to Prytaneion, in the upper city, he increased his income by annexing various regions to the NE of the city, in the valley of Cayster.⁴⁸ In this way a long period of peace and prosperity started, interrupted only by the destructions caused by earthquakes in 17 AD and, mainly, in 23 and 29 AD.⁴⁹

There is sparse evidence about the city concerning this long period of peace in the first centuries of the empire: while in Ephesus, Apollonius of Tyana predicted on 18 September 96 the conspiracy that put an end to the reign of Domitian (81-96).⁵⁰ In its heyday, in the early 2^nd century, the city had a population of 200,000 people.⁵¹ At the time, the city is often described on inscriptions as the ‘first and greatest metropolis of Asia’. Trajan in 113/114 and Hadrian in 124 and 129/130 visited the city. Emperor Lucius Verus (161-169 AD) was a guest of Vedius Gaius between 162 and 164, on his way to the land of the Parthians. When he returned (166-167), he was accepted by the sophist Titus Flavius Damianus. But the troops spread a fatal epidemic to the citizens.⁵²

The 3^rd century was a period of decline: the final blow to the city’s wealth was the devastating earthquake of 262, followed by the raiding Goths, who sacked Artemisium.⁵³ Despite the individual attempts of some emperors, such as Diocletian (284-305), Konstantios II and Konstas, the city recovered only towards the late 4^th century, when Theodosius the Great undertook a large-scale rebuilding project.⁵⁴

3. Institutions

The early political system of the city was monarchy.⁵⁵ Ephesus is reported as the seat of the king of Ιonia.⁵⁶ Later on, the Basilides, descendants of Androclos, probably exercised full power.⁵⁷ In the Roman period their members enjoyed several honorary privileges. However, later sources talk about a ‘king’ – a title the philosopher Heraclitus also inherited but rejected to his brother’s account.⁵⁸ The ‘rule of the Basilides’ was a hereditary oligarchy and one of its members performed the annual duties of the king.⁵⁹ The king of Ephesus is reported on inscriptions from Augustus’ years, but he must have been some kind of an official.⁶⁰ Lexicographical sources have preserved two more titles synonymous with the king, Ἐσσήν andπάλμυς.⁶¹

After a long period of insecurity things were stabilized in Ephesus thanks to the democracy established in 492 BC. The eponymous archon was renamed prytanis. The assembly of the people is evidenced mainly by resolutions of the 4^th century. The Boule had pre-sessional powers. Among the rest of the officials were the proedroi, assigned with the duty of dividing new citizens into phylai as well as the chiliastyes (thousands, a division of the people of Ephesus), theεσσήνες (priests of Artemis), the agonothetes (judge of the contests, president or exhibitor of games) and the νεωποίαι (officials in charge of the temple-fabric).⁶²

The system divided the inhabitants of Ephesus into five tribes (Ephesians, Teians, Careneans, Euonymoi, Bembinaioi), with the citizens being subdivided into chiliastyes, which incorporated the Attic-Ionian tribes. There is evidence about 50 chiliastyes corresponding to the five original tribes and the three tribes formed in the Roman period (Sebaste, Hadriane and Antoniane).⁶³

In the Hellenistic and Roman period Ephesus was mainly ruled by aristocracy. Apart from the bodies of the Boule and the Ekklesia, the new body of the senate was formed, mainly with religious duties and chiefly related with the finances of Artemisium. The body consisted of over 300 members in the early 2^nd century, most of whom were wealthy citizens who benefited the city, while in the same period the Boule included 450 members. The Boule and the Ekklesia, although in the Roman period they did not have any fundamental duties to formulate external policies, took important decisions on critical matters, such as the management of public land, the selection of building plots as well as the maintenance of the road system and the supplies of water and grain.⁶⁴ The institution of the prytanis lost its importance after 17/18, when it was bestowed for life to a freedman of Augustus.⁶⁵

4. Economy and Coinage

The fame Artemisium enjoyed as well as its relations with the Lydian kingdom and, later, the Achaemenid administration, helped the city prosper greatly. It is the first Greek city to mint coins, staters from electron, towards the late 7^th century BC. In the early 6^th century BC, always according to the Phoenician weight standard, a coin is minted, with the head of a deer on the obverse and an incuse square on the reverse. In the years of Croesus (561-546 BC) a new series of silver coins was issued (drachmae and two-drachma coins) according to the Phoenician weight standard, representing a bee on the obverse and an incuse square on the reverse; it survived until the Ionian Revolt.

When the city entered the Athenian League in the 5^th century BC it was driven to economic decline. It is unlikely that any coins were minted then. In the Ionian War it adopted the Rhodian weight standard (four-drachma coin of 11.7 gr) and minted coins according to former types, adding the name of the official responsible for minting.

There is little information about the economic life of the city in the 4^th century BC. The refusal of the Ephesians to accept Alexander to rebuild Artemisium proves that they believed in the vigorous economy of the city. Ephesus is one of the few Asian cities whose silver four-drachma coins of the Rhodian weight standard representing the bee and the letters ΕΦ on the obverse and the head of the deer popping out of a palm tree on the reverse remain robust.

In the Early Hellenistic period the city also adopted the types of the Hellenistic kings and issued Alexander type coins and also coins of Demetrius Poliorcetes and, later, Lycimachus, adopting finally the Attic weight standard. Despite the various benefits offered by Antigonus and Demetrius, ⁶⁶ the city’s economy collapsed during the war against Priene (300-297 π.Χ.).⁶⁷ Resurgence came when the city was refounded by Lycimachus. Despite political instability in the 3^rd century BC and the successive conquerors, the city was uninterruptedly an important intermediary centre of commercial transactions carried out with caravans from Syria to the West. Grains were provided by Rhodes and, in this way, the city participated in an international network of exchange.⁶⁸ It started minting bronze coins according to the traditional types with the addition of the bust of Artemis, according to Greek models. Of equal importance must have been the activity of the bankers of the priesthood in Artemisium of Ephesus.⁶⁹

In the 2^nd century BC, when the city belonged to the kingdom of Pergamon, Ephesus became the main harbour of the Attalids, thus replacing Elaea. From about 188 BC Ephesus was one of the most important numismatic workshops producing Cistophoric coins. However, the former silver coins, that is, the drachma of the Attic weight standard the city minted from about 202 BC (4 gr), were not abandoned. On the obverse is depicted the bee of Artemis with a border of dots and the inscription ΕΦ, while on the reverse is depicted a deer in front of a palm tree. This type of coin must have been suspended from issuing around 170 BC.⁷⁰

In 134/133 BC Ephesus, as a free city, introduced both a Cistophoric coin and a new era, marked by the liberation of the city. The coin lasted until 49/48 BC, when a new period, the prevalence of Caesar over Pompey, started.⁷¹ From 58 BC onward the Cistophoric coins of the city carried the names of some proconsuls of Asia.

As soon as the province of Asia was established, Roman tax collectors (publicani) were interested in the income of the sanctuary of Artemis. They claimed the income from the sacred lakes surrounding River Cayster. The city of Ephesus sent to the Senate, which arbitrated the dispute, the famous geographer Artemidorus (104 BC), who managed to preserve the area for the account of the sanctuary and its priests.⁷² The first Roman merchants from Delos settled in the area about the same period.⁷³ Those years Ephesus was the main harbour of Asia and one of the most important customs stations. Goods from and to Asia Minor were concentrated and chief business establishments were based there.⁷⁴ Ephesus at the time was a major slave market, while there were workshops of Eastern Terra Sigillata B, already from 100 BC, and oil lamps.⁷⁵ Some of these goods were exported to Alexandria as well.⁷⁶

The period of the Mithradatic Wars was marked by the issuance of a gold coin representing the head of Artemis on the obverse and the cult statue of the goddess on the reverse , along with the city’s symbols (deer and bee). The 1^st century BC was a particularly difficult period for the city, both because of the heavy indemnities it paid to Rome and because of the heavy taxation imposed by various Roman generals. The predominance of Augustus and the emergence of Ephesus as the capital of Asia in 29 BC benefited the development of the city. Augustus permitted Ephesus and Pergamon to issue gold coins in an effort to revive the economy of the province, which had been ruined after a century full of wars and riots. Ephesus also minted Cistophoric coins as well as bronze sesterces.⁷⁷ The earliest coins of the series bear the names of the officials who supervised the mint of the city (grammateus - secretary, archiereus -chief-priest, archiereus grammateus, episkopos- overseer).

The city had bought and sold the posts of the priests and had significant income until 44, when the process was repealed through a decree issued by Proconsul Paullus Fabius Persicus.⁷⁸

In the second half of the 1^st century, mainly during the reigns of Domitian and Trajan, Ephesus reached its heyday. Wealthy citizens competed in benefactions, while the most talented of them became members of the Senate.⁷⁹ Rich senators and retired Roman officials choose the city as the place to live. It is worth mentioning that the city’s bronze coins do not bear names of officials except for rare cases, when the name of the proconsul appears. The city minted coins systematically throughout the first three centuries of the empire until the reign of Gallienus (262-269). Furthermore, the Cistophoric coins of the Flavian emperors (69-96) appeared, particularly of Hadrian, where the figure of the statue of Artemis of Ephesus and the temples of the neokoria dominate. The city stopped minting coins in 262.

Already from the beginning of the 2^nd century financial distress started to emerge: the agoranomoi (market officials) assumed increased power and prestige in the city, boasting of the honest way they exercised their duties.⁸⁰ The price of grains was always on the increase and was almost doubled between the reigns of Trajan (98-117) and Caracalla (211-217), without apparent reason.⁸¹ Several wealthy citizens boasted that they provided the city with grains they had brought from Egypt.⁸² Emperor Hadrian himself (117-138), during his visit to the city, permitted the Ephesians to be supplied with Egyptian grains, which the Roman administration monopolised.⁸³

5. Religion and Cults

The religious life of Ephesus was dominated by the presence of Αrtemis of Ephesus, although the rest of the Ionian gods were worshipped as well. Among the earliest sanctuaries is that of Apollo Pythios, while epigraphic evidence the cults of Zeus, Apollo Patroos, the Great Mother of the Gods Cybele and Dionysus. Written and epigraphic sources provide information about the cult of Demeter (of an Eleusinian character in the Roman period), Aphrodite, Asclepius, Hephaestus, Hestia and the deities of the prytaneion Leto, Nemesis, Poseidon, the Egyptian gods (Sarapis and Isis), as well as the deities of a strongly Hellenistic character (Tyche). The above are completed by the cult of lesser deities and heroes (“all the Gods”, the Cabiri, the enigmatic Ενέδρα, Fruit Bearing Earth, Hecate, Heracles, Most High God, Pan, Pluton, Concord, Pion, the mountain god and several river deities such as Cayster, Mnaseas and Klaseas).⁸⁴ A key parameter in the religious life of the city is the participation in the religious events of the Ionian Dodecapolis, which in the 5^th century BC were held on the outskirts of the city.⁸⁵

The Imperial Cult was of cardinal importance in the religious life of the city in the Roman period.⁸⁶ In the early days of the institution Philip II was established as the ‘synnaos’ (worshipped in the same temple) of Artemis (336 BC), honours were conferred to Hellenistic rulers, Publius Servilius Isauricus, proconsul of the province in 46-44 BC, who was very much appreciated for his clemency (clementia), was worshipped⁸⁷ and Julius Caesar was honoured. A temple of Rome and Julius Caesar was built in the city in 6/5 BC, upon permission of Augustus. Later on, in return for the helped offered by Tiberius to the cities of Asia after the earthquake of 17 AD, Ephesus asked permission to found a temple for the emperor in the city, which was rejected because the main deity of Ephesus was Artemis.⁸⁸ Already from the years of Nero the city was called neokoros of Artemis. The covetable title of neokoria with its privileges was finally bestowed in Domitian’s years. The title of the second neokoria was awarded when Hadrian visited the city (129). The inscriptions ‘ΝΕΩΚΟΡΩΝ’ and ‘ΔΙΣ ΝΕΩΚΟΡΩΝ ΑΣΙΑΣ’ appear on coins of the early 2^nd century. There is later evidence about a third title in the years of Caracalla (211-218), which was finally not awarded, as well as a fourth one (on coins of the years of Elagabalus), which may be attributed to the neokoria of Artemis.

Christians appeared early on in the city. Apostle Paul stayed there for a long time (53-55). His preaching caused the revolt of the goldsmiths under some Demetrius because Paul claimed that the idols of gods made by human hands, were false gods. His view was a direct threat to Artemis of Ephesus. The goldsmiths gathered in the theatre, where Alexander, the representative of the Jews of the city, tried in vain to keep a distance from Paul’s preaching. Because the Jews of the city as well as Paul’s companions ran the risk of being slaughtered, the Authorities assuaged the crowds and relieved the tenseness of the situation.⁸⁹ It should be pointed out that there were some groups of Christians that did not get on well together.

According to the occult Christian literature, Saint John the Evangelist stayed in Ephesus for a long time. The Virgin Mary is said to have been with him. He is assumed to have written the Book of Revelation (Apocalypse of John) there.⁹⁰ About the same period Ignatius of Antioch in a letter makes an extensive reference to the Church of Ephesus and its bishop Onisimus. Christianity spread quickly in the city, despite persecutions and martyrdom in the special arena. The earthquake of 262 and the destruction of Artemisium marked the decline of the goddess. In the 4^th century Demeas boasted that he had expelled the icon of evil Artemis from the position it had held on Hadrian’s Gate and replaced it with the Christian cross.⁹¹

6. Topography

6.1. Ephesus in the Geometric and the Early Archaic Period

Ephesus was founded at the mouth of Kaystros’ estuary.⁹² At the beginning of the 1^st millennium the sea level was about 2m below the current level, while Cayster’s mouth was about 10 km from the current coast and 3.5 km N-NE of the hill Ayasoluk.⁹³ The earliest settlement was called Coressus.⁹⁴ The position had been long identified with the cove to the east of Cape Tracheia.⁹⁵ Sparse fragments of archaic vases have been found there,⁹⁶ while a part of the fortification, possibly dating from the Archaic period, has survived.⁹⁷ Foundations of residential buildings have also been preserved. However, the largest and most important part of the archaic and classic city lay on a hill: most researchers identify this hill with Mount Pion (Panayır Dağ), where the so-called Ionian acropolis has been traced.⁹⁸

Cape Tracheia is identified with the narrow peninsula defining the gulf and the towering Mount Pion to the north, in front of the Roman theatre. According to Strabo, the quarter of Smyrna was between Cape Tracheia and the so-called “Lepre Akte”, at the foot of the Mount Preon (Bülbül Dağ). At that point, below the Hellenistic and Roman Agora, a settlement, whose early phase was in the 8^th century BC, was excavated. The name of the suburb caused groundless assumptions about Antiquity, though most possible must be that of Langmann, according to which merchants and immigrants from Smyrna lived there.⁹⁹ The position was abandoned in the early 6^th century because the sea level rose, although some craftsmen remained. A third early settlement was traced at the slope of the Mount Preon, to the south of the Roman Agora, while tombs of the Late Archaic and Classic period were discovered in the quarter of Embolos.¹⁰⁰

According to Herodotus, Croesus attempted to transfer the city towards Artemisium of Ephesus and the ancient Carian-Lydian settlement. However, it seems that the grid pattern actually expanded significantly towards Artemisium.¹⁰¹ A part of the new settlement was traced in the 1920s by J. Keil, where remains of 5^th century BC houses were found.¹⁰² The cemetery of Croesus’ city was recently discovered on the SE slope of Ayasoluk: the sarcophagi and the tomb buildings of the 5^th century BC were found to found to overlie directly Carian-like tombs of the 8^th century BC, without signs of intermediate use, though.¹⁰³

Nothing is known about the gymnasia, the temples and the theatre of the Classical period, apart from occasional references in historical sources and epigraphic evidence. However, important evidence about early cults in the city can be found in the sanctuary with the rock-carved inscriptions, on the eastern slope of Mount Pion; the sanctuary was dedicated to Zeus Patroos and Apollo Patroos as well as to Meter Oreia (Mountain Mother).¹⁰⁴

6.2. The City of Lycimachus

The harbour of the archaic and the classic city fell into disuse when silt from River Kaystros and minor rivers of the region (like Selinous and Marnas) was deposited, while the rising sea level threatened the city with flooding. Lycimachus built the new city near the coast surrounding the slopes of Mounts Preon and Pion.¹⁰⁵ He fortified the city with imposing walls 9 km long, famous in antiquity, which have been preserved in good condition on Mount Preon and are the most remarkable example of defensive architecture in the Hellenistic Asia Minor.¹⁰⁶ The two most important gates of the city, evidenced in numerous literary and epigraphic sources, were the so-called Magnetic Gate, the main gate, identified already from 1863, and the Hellenistic gate, which had a square tower on each side and a yard, with the entrance to the city at the back. However, the construction of the existing structure dates from the years of Augustus.¹⁰⁷

The course of the wall on Mount Pion has not been accurately identified yet. It seems that it was partly identified with the course of the Byzantine wall, passing past the south of the Roman theatre or under the cavea. The Coressian Gate must have been there.¹⁰⁸ Traces of the powerful fortification of the Hellenistic period have been found to the north of Mount Pion, above the harbour of Coressus. Only the positions dug for laying the foundations on the rock have survived because the stones of this wall were used in the reconstruction of the Late Roman wall. There was a formidable stronghold at the top of the mountain, while on the eastern slope the fortification was connected with the fortification of the main city.¹⁰⁹

The harbour of the Hellenistic city has not been accurately traced yet. It must have been immediately in front of the main grid of the city, along the slope of Mount Preon. Perhaps there was a second, military harbour, to the south of Cape Tracheia.¹¹⁰ In the same area, to the west of the hill, there are traces of a Hellenistic fortification as well as a small peripteral temple (measuring 22.05x14.7 m. in the stylobate and a cella 10.3 m long), beside a well, identified with the position Hypelaion, where, according to myth, Androclos had killed a wild boar.¹¹¹

The city was built according to the Hippodamian model for town-planning. Few monuments can be seen today and, in general, the picture is not fully formed. In the western part of the Lower Agora, the so-called Tetragonos Agora, which was built later, there are remains of a relatively small Agora. The former covered almost half of the Roman Lower Agora, had an almost square ground plan and measured 100-110m. The construction of the Hellenistic Agora originally required levelling off the quarter of Smyrna. The buildings included a poorly preserved warehouse with two rows of 7 or 9 square chambers, with the east ones looking to the Agora and the west ones to a street. The building was 43.4 m long and 11.5 m wide.¹¹² Later on, the building was changed when a portico (as deep as a room, that is to say, about 4.6 m) was added on the eastern side, while the north and the south wall were extended. Finally, there were further modifications to the building, when a new portico was added on the northern side, while around 100 BC the entire square of the Agora was framed by porticoes, thus acquiring the typical appearance of Hellenistic Agoras of Asia Minor. At the place, where the western gate of the Roman Agora lies, building remains of a gate were excavated, probably identified with the original, early Hellenistic Coressian Gate.¹¹³ Two fountain-buildings of the Hellenistic period and houses of the second half of the 1^st century were found in the same area.¹¹⁴

There was also a second Agora, which must have served administrative and religious purposes. Although not accurately traced, it is evidenced on an inscription of the period of Lycimachus and it should be searched to the west of the Tetragonos Agora.¹¹⁵

In front of the houses of Embolos and a little lower than the so-called Alytarchs’stoa (5^th c. AD) there are the remains of an octagonal burial monument, probably of Arsinoe, the murdered sister of Cleopatra (41 BC), which imitated the Pharos (Lighthouse) of Alexandria. The building had a polygonal ground plan with Corinthian columns and a richly decorated epistyle. It supported an octagonal pyramid crowned by a sphere.¹¹⁶ The Heroon of Androclos was found fast beside. Finally, a monument of the second half of the 1^st century BC, at the end of Sacred Way, was dedicated to G. Memmius, a grandson of Sulla.

At the place where the stoa-basilica of the period of Augustus was built a smaller Hellenistic stoa and traces of a Hellenistic stadium were discovered.¹¹⁷ Among the monuments of the Hellenistic period is the original theatre at the foot of Mount Pion, which probably dates from the 1^st century, along with the neighbouring monumental fountain.¹¹⁸

6.3. The City of Augustus

The grid plan of the Roman city and the archaeological site are divided into two sections: the upper city called Coressus in the Roman period, along Mt. Panayir Dağ, where the main public monuments were,¹¹⁹ and the lower city in front of the harbour. The rebuilding of the city, as a special commercial, religious, administrative and cultural centre was carried out mainly on the small plateau between Mt. Pion and Mt. Preon, where the so-called Public Agora, a large and paved rectangular measuring 160 x 58 m, was constructed. The square probably pre-existed. In the western part of the square a prostyle temple of the 1^st century BC had been erected. Because it was completely destroyed, it has not been accurately identified.¹²⁰

The lavish Prytaneion was built along the same axis with the temple, probably under the supervision of the emperor’s freedman Julius Nikephoros, who was elected prytanis of Ephesus for life, in 18 BC.¹²¹ Beside the Prytaneion is the Βouleuterion or Odeum, whose preserved form belongs to the reign of Lucius Verus (160-169). It is a comfortable amphitheatric place standing against the slope of the Mount Panayir Dağ. It had a seating capacity of about 1,500 people. It dates from about 150 AD and is attributed to Publius Vedius Antoninus and his wife Flavia Papiane.¹²²

To the west of the Bouleuterion or Odeum there was a shrine of Augustus and Artemis, which was surrounded by a colonnade in the Ionian order on its three sides and enclosed a high podium 15 m wide, where an altar or a small temple in Roman style stood. The building existed already from 25 BC, when Apollonios Passalas dedicated a statue of Augustus.¹²³ The same area may have accommodated the Hellenistic or early Roman gymnasium, where Apollonius’ father, Herakleides, in his capacity as nearchos (leader of the youths), made a dedication along with the young to Augustus, the builder of the city.¹²⁴ On the eastern side of the Agora, against the Mount Panayir Dağ, there is a large complex of Roman baths, formerly believed to have been the baths of Varius, dating from the mid-2^nd century AD.¹²⁵

On the northern side of the Agora, in front of the temple and the shrine, lies the Basilica Stoa, a large three-aisled, two-storied stoa with Ionian colonnades, two of which were internal and one external. It is one of the most impressive buildings of Ephesus, dedicated by C. Sextilius Pollio and his family in 11 AD.¹²⁶

The main axis of the city, which was probably in effect already from the Archaic period, the so-called Plateia, started from the Magnetic Gate, passed to the south and west of the public Agora and then ran down the valley between the mountains Pion and Preon before ending in the Tetragonos Agora.

The Tetragonos Agora of Ephesus also dates from the period the city was refounded by Augustus; it replaced the respective Administrative Agora of Hellenistic Ephesus. It lay near the harbour and was the commercial centre of Ephesus. It is a square with a side of 111 m, surrounded by porticoes, while shops and workshops were at the back. The overall length of each side is 149.5 m. Access to the Agora is through the gate dedicated by two wealthy freedmen of Augustus, Mazaeus and Mithradates in 3 or 2 BC, which was called Triodos in Antiquity. It is an arch with three entrances, resting on strong pillars. There was rich architectural decoration on the arch and the epistyle. It was dedicated to the emperor, his wife Livia, his daughter Julia and his brother-in-law Agrippa.¹²⁷ Apart from this gate, there were two more gates in the Agora, one monumental gate with propylon on the western side, where West Street (measuring 160 x 24 m) ended, which was framed by a Dorian colonnade, and another quite plainer gate on the northern side.¹²⁸

The main road axis branched at Triodos: the first road led to the harbour and Pygela, while the second one led to Coressus via the coast.

The Stadium, built partly at the foot of Mount Pion, must have replaced a building of the years of Lycimachus, although recent research did not provide any evidence from the Hellenistic period. The preserved building dates from the period of Nero (54-68). It measures 230 x 30 m. The race track is narrower to the east, which probably certifies the existence of an arena for violent spectacles – mainly fights between gladiators and wild animals. It has been preserved in very poor condition: only the ends of the underground passages have been preserved at the ends of the U-bend.¹²⁹

The city of Augustus and particularly the monuments in the two Agoras, about which there is some evidence, were extensively destroyed during the earthquakes of 23 AD. The main activities until the reign of Domitian were restoration works. The Stadium was dedicated in the years of Nero, while there are epigraphs of that period in the Tetragonos Agora. However, the most important monument of the period is the large two-aisled basilica on the eastern side of the Tetragonos Agora. According to epigraphs, it was dedicated to Artemis of Ephesus, Nero, his mother Agrippina and the citizens of Ephesus.¹³⁰ Between 54 and 59 a large building serving the needs of the city’s fishermen was constructed in the area of the harbour.¹³¹ About the same period works at the harbour of the city were carried out by Proconsul Barea Soranus in Nero’s years. The official was later accused of intending to increase his publicity in Asia and revolt.¹³² Finally, during the reign of Vespasian (69-79) the Magnetic Gate was rebuilt and three monumental entrances crowned by arches were also created.

6.4. Heyday and Decline: From Domitian to Gothic Raids

Ephesus exited the standstill that followed the destructions of 23 AD when it was selected as the neokoros city in order to accommodate the temple of Emperor Domitian, in 88-89. The temple of the emperors was built to the west of the Agora, at the centre of a large square measuring about 50 x 100 m, which was supported by a system of barrel vaults. It was a small prostyle temple with 4 columns and a pteron with 8 columns on the short and 13 columns on the long sides. The stylobate stands on a high crepidoma of eight levels measuring 24 x 37 m, while the dimensions of the cella were just 9 x 17 m. The cult statue of the emperor, who is represented sitting, is of colossal dimensions: it was 5 m high. Only the head and the one hand have been preserved. In front of the cult statue there was an altar decorated with reliefs. After the emperor died the Ephesians dedicated the temple to the memory of Domitian’s father Vespasian. In front of the temple there is a high parapet consisting of two half-columns and niches with two statues.¹³³ Opposite the square of the temple C. Laecanius Bassus built a particularly impressive monument, the Hydrecdocheion.

The contests in honour of the emperor were held in the swamps to the west of the Gymnasium of the Stadium – an area that was levelled so that a large square measuring 220 x 220 m, the Xystoi, could be created and the sports events could take place. The square was surrounded by porticoes. The Sebaston Gymnasium and the Harbour Baths, a complex on the northern side of the so-called Arcadian Street, were constructed to the west of this area. The construction of harbour baths led to modification works at the harbour, which were carried out during the reign of Trajan. ¹³⁴

The two central points of the city, the temple of the emperors and the area of the harbour, were connected through the main street, the Plateia, which was surrounded by colonnades (running through the quarter of Embolos and at its central point acquiring the current name Couretes Street), and was continued in Marble Street, its first parallel to the east. Couretes Street (priests of Artemis of Ephesus) starts at the north end of the square of Domitian leading from the upper city to the harbour.

Marble Street is the sacred street surrounding the Mount of Panayir Dağ and leading from the Library of Celsus to the Stadium. It was given the particular name because it is covered with large marble slates, which date from the 5^th century AD, though. Along the eastern side there is a stoa. At the junction of Marble Street with Arcadian Street, which comes from the harbour, is the entrance to the Theatre. The latter was named after Emperor Arcadius, the son of Theodosius (395-408), who is responsible for its final shape. It was 528 m long and had porticoes on the sides. The porticoes were about 11 m wide and had mosaic floors. Arcadian Street ran to the harbour through an impressive gate, which has left only a few remains.¹³⁵

On the eastern side of the square of Domitian and fast beside the western end of the Agora there is another important monument, the Nymphaeum of Pollio.

Aristion donated two more nymphaea during the reign of Trajan. The first one was on the street crossing the southern part of the Public Agora. On the fountain’s facade there were statues of emperors and noble citizens of Ephesus, some of which are exhibited in the city’s museum. In the southwestern corner of the Agora there was another two-storied fountain with a large cistern, the Hydrecdocheion, with statues today exhibited in the Museum of Ephesus. The second fountain-building donated by Aristion is the Nymphaeum Traiani, at the northern end of Embolos (between 102 and 114).

About the same period (104-105) the works funded and supervised by a certain C. Vibius Salutaris and performed at the Theatre were completed. It is the largest theatre in Asia Minor and one of the most beautiful ones in the ancient world. It had a seating capacity of 25,000 spectators and was also used for the assemblies of the Demos. Salutaris donated gold statues representing Emperor Trajan, his wife Plotina, the Roman Senate, the Roman Cavalry Class, the Roman people, Augustus, Artemis, Ephesus, the Demos of Ephesus, the Six Phylai (Tribes), the Boule, the Gerousia (Council of Elders) and the Ephebes (Youths), while he gave away various amounts of money to members of the Boule, members of the Gerousia and the Six Phylai. The statues should follow the processions during a series of important local and imperial celebrations.¹³⁶

In Trajan’s years another ambitious plan was completed. It was the foundation of a Mouseion, a sort of a medical school, probably headed by Titus Statilius Crito, the personal physician to the emperor. P. Scherrer assumes that it replaced the Hellenistic Asklepieion, which appears on inscriptions, and that it should be identified with the so-called Serapeion, an imposing and large prostyle temple consisting of a pronaos and a cella. The temple is beside the Agora, on West Street, and is 160 m long and 24 m wide, on a square measuring 100 x 75 m, which was created after the Late Hellenistic houses of the area were demolished. The temenos is surrounded by two-story halls of Corinthian order, allegedly made by the same workshop of Aphrodisias that had built the Harbour Baths, and was laid with marble slabs.¹³⁷ The prostyle temple (measuring 29.2 x 36.7 m) at the south end of the temenos stood on a high podium. The eight monolithic Corinthian columns of the facade are 14-15 m high and weigh a total of 57 tons each. They had a richly decorated arhitrave and a pediment with three doors.¹³⁸

However, the construction of the temple closed the earlier entrance to the Tetragonos Agora. As a result, the end of Couretes Street should be transferred by about 30 m to the south. At the end, at the junction with Marble Street, there is a monumental gate dedicated to Emperor Hadrian or, according to later opinions, to Emperor Trajan. It has three floors with columns and pillars in the Corinthian order, while the niches of the arch were decorated with statues of gods and members of the imperial family.¹³⁹

Along Couretes Street is the small Temple of Hadrian (built in 138 at the latest), dedicated along with the neighbouring baths and the cistern by the noble Ephesian Vedius Antoninus Sabinus. Both monuments have been incorporated into the so-called Baths of Scholasticaof the 4^th century. The Temple of Hadrian has been restored. It is in the Corinthian order and consists of a small cella and a pronaos.¹⁴⁰ The adjacent two-story building of the 1^st century had lots of rooms decorated with mosaics and paintings and was equipped with bath tubs. In the well-preserved complex of public latrines by the street one can see the bar with the holes and the gutter, where water flowed, while at the centre there was a small fountain. It has been restored and is in perfect condition.¹⁴¹

The porticoes of Couretes Street communicated at their back through staircases with houses existing at higher levels and built at the foot of the hill. Seven buildings of this luxurious complex of houses have been fully excavated and can be visited today, although the place is not often open to the public. These houses occupy two entire building blocks. Each house was used as the flat area of another house built higher, at three levels. They date mainly from the 1^st century, although they were in use until the 7^th century. They have a central courtyard, measuring 25-50 m, covered with marble slates and surrounded by porticoes and relatively small, though luxurious, rooms, often decorated with frescoes, while the floors were covered with mosaics representing floral or mythological motifs. A fountain existed in the peristyle or in the courtyard. Most houses had three floors and were heated by hypocausts, as it happened in the thermae.¹⁴²

The earlier custom of burying the most eminent citizens of the city along Embolos was revived in this period. Apart from the monument of Androclos and the tomb of Arsinoe of the Hellenistic period as well as the monuments of Memmius and the freedmen Mazaeus and Mithradates and the tomb of the benefactor C. Sextilius Pollio (transformed into a fountain in Trajan’s years), a magnificent monument was also built, on whose foundations the former Proconsul T. Iulius Celsus Polemaenus was buried. In his will the proconsul had bequeathed a library to the city of Ephesus, on condition that he would be buried there.

In 129 Hadrian permitted the city of Ephesus to build a second temple for imperial worship, where he was worshipped as an Olympian. The temple, called Olympieion by Pausanias, was constructed to the north of the Gymnasium of the Harbour, at a place previously covered by the sea, and was connected with the organisation of contests.

After that period of increased building activity, which was followed by the two titles of neokoria awarded to the city, recession came in the second half of the 2^nd century. The Vedius Gymnasium, one of the best preserved buildings of Ephesus, was built around 150 to the north of the stadium and near the city-walls.

The remains of a large Gymnasium, the largest in the city, lie to the north of the Theatre, although archaeological works have not been completed yet.

The position of the Parthian Monument (after 169) in honour of Emperor Lucius Verus has not been identified yet, for only fragments of the frieze adorning the monument have been found in various parts of the city and after they had been previously used (4^th century).

The street leading out of the gate reached either the city of Magnesia ad Maeandrum or the area of Artemisium. The street was reconstructed in the 2^nd century by the sophist Flavius Damian, who also built the Eastern Gymnasium, whose remains are still visible to the north of the Gate of Magnesia. It is a monumental complex that included a palaestra, baths, a large courtyard with a peristyle surrounded by two-story Dorian porticoes and rooms used for studying and the imperial cult. The propylon was on the eastern side. It had four columns. The statues of the sophist Damianus and his wife Vedia Phaidrina, which are kept in the Mouseion of Ephesus, were found inside a room. However, the main contribution of Damianus to his city was the construction of a stoa connecting Artemision with the city so that the worshippers could visit the sanctuary. This stunning monument was 2.5 km long and 3.70 m wide. It had an vaulted roof and, strangely enough, was not paved.¹⁴³

The activities of the last Ephesian benefactors are known only through epigraphic sources.¹⁴⁴ The 3^rd century was a period of economic crisis, accompanied by limited building activity. The only remarkable monument of the period is a twelve-sided building surrounded by a large square and considered to be connected with the third neokoria of Ephesus in the years of Caracalla (211-217).¹⁴⁵ The earthquake of 262 and the Gothic raids caused extensive damages to most monuments (Tetragonos Agora, Porticoes of Serapeion, Theatre and houses in the quarter of Embolos).

1. On the history of the excavations: Wiplinger, G., Wlach, G., (ed.), Ephesos. 100 Years of Austrian Research (Vienna-Cologne-Weimar 1996).

2. Heinhold-Krämer, S., Arzawa: Untersuchungen zu seiner Geschichte nach den hethitischen Quellen (Texte der Hethiter, 8, Heidelberg 1977) p. 93 ff.

3. Gültekin, H., Baran, H., «The Mycenean Grave found at the hill of Ayasuluk», TürkArkDerg 13.2 (1964) p. 125-133. Büyükkolanci, M., «Excavations on Ayasuluk Hill in Selçuk / Turkey. A Contribution to the Early History of Ephesus», in Krinzinger, F., ed., Akten des Symposions “Die Ägäis und das Westliche Mittelmeer. Beziehungen und Wechselwirkungen 8. bis 5. Jh. v. Chr.”, Wien 24. bis 27. März 1999 (DenkschrWien 288, Archäologische Forschungen 4, Wien 2000) p. 39-44.

4. Pherecydes FGrHist 3 F 155. Ephorus FGrHist 70 F 126. Creophylos, Εφέσου Ώραι, in Athenaeus, 8, 62.7. Population’s composition: Nicander FGrHist 271-2 F 5, Malakos, FGrHist 552 F 1, Ailius Aristides ΧΧΙΙ, 26 Keil, Philostratus, Apollonius of Tyana, VIII, 7 and Suda see word Aristarchus. A range of place-names and persons’ names testifies that at least a part of the population had ties with Boetia and Peloponnese, particularly with Arcadia.: Sakellariou, M.B., La migration grecque en Ionie (Αθήνα 1958) p. 123-128.

5. Paus. 7.2.8-9. Strabo, 14.1.21.

6. According to Eusebius’ Chronicle, in the latin translation of Hieronymus (p. 55-72 Helm²), the city was founded in 1045 B.C. See also Eratosthenes FGrHist 24 F 1, who dated the Ionic migration 140 years after the Troy’s fall. (1044/1043 and 1184/1183 π.Χ. respectively). According to Sakellariou, M.B., La migration grecque en Ionie (Athens 1958) p. 344-345, 357 Agamemnon’s cult leads to a chronology of the city’s foundation around 1000 BC. The ealier finds are dated in the 8^th century BC. On the contrary the finds in Artemision are earlier and are dated in 11^th and 10^th century BC. Kerschner, M., «Zum Kult im früheisenzeitlichen Ephesos. Interpretation eines protogeometrischen Fundkomplexes aus dem Artemisheiligtum », in Schmalz, Β., Söldner, Μ. (ed.), Griechische Keramik im kulturellen Kontext. Akten des Internationalen Vasen-Symposions in Kiel vom 24 bis 28.9 2001 veranstaltet durch das Archäologische Institut der Christian-Albrechts-Universität zu Kiel (München 2003) p. 246-250.

7. Paus 7.2.9.

8. Ephorus FGrHist 70 F 126.

9. Hommel, P., Panionion und Melie (JDAI Suppl. XXIII, Berlin 1967). Earlier League See Roebuck, C., «The Early Ionian League », CR 50 (1955) p. 26-40.

10. Cimmerians, Callinus, fragment 1 (Diehl). Abolition of the Basilides’constitution. Berve, H., Die Tyrannis bei den Griechen (München 1966) p.. 98 ff. Kinship with Lydian kings. Nicolaus of Damascus FGrHist 90 F 3. Croesus and Pindar: Aelian., Varia Historia III, 26. Polyaenus, 6.50. Radet,G., La Lydie et le monde grec au temps des Mermnades (Paris 1898) p. 206 ff. Souda see word Aristarchus. Souda see word Athenagoras and Comas, Hipponax, Frère, J., « Politique et religion à Ephèse entre 550 et 450 », Kernos 9 (1996) p. 87-96.

11. Ephesus seemed that it did not participated in the hostilities, however it was the base of the Ionic navy and offered leaders to the Athenians and the Ionians, who burnt Sardes (Herodotus 5, 100). In 498 BC , the rebels were defeated by the Persians near the city (Herodotus 5, 100). After the naval battle in Lades, the Ephesians slew the Chians, since they thought that they were pirates. (Herodotus 6,16,2).

12. The expulsion of Hermodorus, Heraclitus’ friend, was due to his opposition against democracy.: Gehrke,H.-J., Stasis: Untersuchungen zu den inneren Kriegen in der griechischen Staaten des 5. und 4. Jahrhunderts v. Chr. (München 1985) p. 57-58.

13. See Alzinger, W., “Athen und Ephesos in fünften Jahrhundert von Christus”, Akurgal, E. (ed.), The proceedings of the Xth International Congress of Classical Archaeology, Ankara - Izmir 23. - 30.IX.1973 (Ankara 1978) p. 507-516 and Piérart, M., «Chios entre Athènes et Sparte. LA contribution de Chios à l’effort de guerre lacédémonien pendant la guerre du Peloponnèse », ΒCH 119 (1995) p. 276. In the Athenian tribute lists and it is recorded sixteen times from 454/453 (ΙG I³ 259, Ι, line 22) to 415/414 (ΙG I³ 260, VI, line 13), paying a phoeros of 7 ½ talents until 445/444 BC. (ΙG I³ 267, V, στ. 17), when it is reduced to six talens. Before the Peloponnesian War (433/432 BC) it is however again increased to 7 ½ talents (ΙG I³ 279, I, στ. 65). In 414 BC an Athenian general visited Ephesus, who received a considerable financial amout ΙG I³ 270, I, line 79.

14. In 412 BC a Chian trireme, pursued by the Athenians, found refuge in Ephesos Thuc. 8.18.3. At the end of 411 BC Tissaphernes the satrap of Lydia went to Ephesus and offered sacrifice to Artemis. Thuc. 8.109.1.

15. Xen. Hell, 1.2.7-10. See. Lehmann, C.A., «Ein neues Fragment der Hell. Oxy», ZPE 26 (1977) p. 181-191. At the same time, Ephesus offered the Lacedaemonians the amount of 1000 darics IG V1, 1=SEG 39 (1989) no. 370.

16. During this period the city became “barbarized” by adopting the manners of the Persians. The Ephesians wore Persian clothes.: Athenaeus 12.525c-e. Plut., Vit. Lys., 3, 3.4. Athenaeus 12.525c-e. The reception of Lysander in Ephesus , Xen. Hell. 1.8.6 and Diod. Sic. 13.70.4.

17. Plut. Vit. Lys., 5.6 and Diod. Sic. 13.70.4. See Bommelaer, J.-F., Lysandre de Sparte. Histoire et Traditions (Paris 1981) p. 80, 85, 89.

18. Lysander’s return , Xen. Hell. 2.1.6-7. Diod. Sic. 13.100.7-8. Plut. Lys. 7.4. Ephesus is cited among the victors of the naval battle at Aigos Potamoi. Bourguet, E., Fouilles de Delphes III, 1 : Épigraphie (Paris 1911) p. 50-68. Paus. 9.9. In 403/402 the city of Ephesos regained its autonomy, since it was honoured by Athens for having given asylum to Samian refugees IG II², 1.48.

19. In 399 came under the control of the Spartan general Thibron Xen. Hell. 3.1.8. In spring of 396 BC the Spartan king Agesilaos landed there with 8.000 men and render it to a military base.: Xen., Ages. 7. Xen. Hell. 3.4.2, 3.4.20, 4.1.5-6, 11.13. Plut.. Vit. Ages. 6.4-5. Diod Sic. 14.79.1. His presence is tesitfied by epigraphic evidence: Börker, Chr., «König Agesilaos von Sparta und der Artemis-Tempel in Ephesos», ZPE 37 (1980) p. 69. Wesenberg, B., «Agesilaos im Artemision», ZPE 41 (1981) p 175-180.

20. Initially they supported Conon (392 BC): Diod Sic. 14.84.3. In 391 BC the city was the military base of Thibron’s campaign against Caria.: Xen., Hell. 4.8.17-19. In 388 BC Ephesus became the base of Antalcidas’ naval.: Xen. Hell, 5.1.5-6.

21. On the change of constitution: Gehrke, H.-J., Stasis: Untersuchungen zu den inneren Kriegen in der griechischen Staaten des 5. und 4. Jahrhunderts v. Chr. (München 1985) p. 39. Conflict with Autophradates : Polyaenus. 7.27.2. One of the consequences of this conflict was the involment of Mausolus in the Ionia’s affairs and the restoration of the Ionic Dodecapolis’ seat in Mycale, which was removed during the 5^th century BC to the Ephesian territory . : Debord, P., L’Asie Mineure au IVème siècle (412-323 a.C.) Bordeaux 1999) p. 388.

22. Arr. Ι.17.10-12 and 1.18.2. Recall of the exiles: Dareste, J., Haussoulier, B., Reinach, S., Recueil des inscriptions juridiques grecques, II (Paris 1914) p. 344-354, no.. XXXV (=OGIS, 2). Heisserer, A.J., Alexander the Great and the Greeks of Asia Minor (Norman, Oklahoma 1980) p. 58-59, and Debord, P., L’Asie Mineure au IVème siècle (412-323 a.C.) Bordeaux 1999) p. 421-426.

23. Polyaenus 6.49.

24. Perdiccas: Arr, Τα Μετά Αλεξάνδρου, 25.1-4. Keil, J., «Ephesische Bürgerrechts-und Proxeniedekrete aus dem vierten und dritten Jahrhundert v.Chr. », ÖJh 16 (1913) p. 231 ff., no. 1, ΙΙΝ. Relations with Ptolemy: Diod. Sic. 20, 21. Conference of Triparadisus: Arr. , Τα Μετά Αλεξάνδρου, 1, 34-37. Diod. Sic. 18, 39.5-6. Ephesus’ conquest and Cleitus’ withdrawal.: Diod. Sic., 18, 52, 5-8. Antigonus and his son Demetrius were often honored with decrees and golden wearths by the demos of Ephesus : Keil, J., «Ephesische Bürgerrechts-und Proxeniedekrete aus dem vierten und dritten Jahrhundert v.Chr. », ÖJh 16 (1913) p. 231-244, no. Ig, IIIb and ΙΙΙe. I.Ephesos V, no. 1448, 1450, 1451 and V, no. 2003. Prepelaus: Diod. Sic., 20, 106, 107.4 and 111.3. Prepelaus’ guard in Ephesos: I.Ephesos V, no. 1449. Robert, L., « Sur un décret d’Ephèse », in Robert, L., Hellenica 3 (Paris 1946), p. 79-95. City’s recapture by Demetrius : Diod Sic. 20, 111,3 and Polyaenus 4, 12.1.

25. Plut., Vit. Demetr. 30.1-2.

26. I.Ephesos V, no. 1461 and VI, no, 2001.

27. While Demetrius’ navy helped by pirates was pillaging the coast of Asia Minor, Lycos, the general in the service of Lycimachus, approached Andron, the most important pirates’ leader and bribed him). One day Adron entered the city accompanied by many of his captives and claimed, that he intented to sell them. However they were in fact Lycimachus’ soldiers’ who captured the city. Frontin., Str., 3.3, 7. Polyaenus, 5, 19.

28. Lycimachus threatened that he would have flooded the old city, unless its inhabitants agree to be transferred. Strabo 14.1.21 and Paus. 1.9.7 and 7.3.5. The new site was less exposed to floods. See Rogers, G.M., «The Foundation of Arsinoeia», Med.Ant. 4 (2001) p. 587-630. In 281 BC after Lycimachus’ death, the city received again its old name. The view, that after Lycimachus’ death the new city was devastated seems groundless: Karwiese, S., « Gedanken zur Entstehung des römischen Ephesos», in Friesinger, H., Krinzinger, F., (ed.), Ephesos. Der neue Führer. 100 Jahre österreichische Ausgrabungen. 1895 – 1995. Akten des Symposions, Wien 1995 (Wien 1999) p. 393-398.

29. OGIS, 222. Ma, J., Antiochos ΙΙΙ and the Cities of Western Asia Minor (Oxford 2000) p. 166. In 264 the city was probable under the Ptolemaic control.

30. Ptolemy: Pomp. Trog. 26. Ath. 13, 593β. Frontin, ΙΙΙ, 2, 11. Welles, C.B., Royal Correspondance of the Hellenistic Period (New Haven 1934), no. 14, line 9. W. Huss, «Ptolemaios der Sohn», ZPE 121, 1998, p. 229-250. The conquest and naval battle in Ephesus: Χρονικό της Λίνδου, 37. Polyaenus 5, 18. Frontin ΙΙΙ, 9, 10. Will, E., Histoire politique du monde hellénistique² a2(Nancy 1979), 1, p. 234-235 and 236-237. Antiochus II in Ephesus: SEG 1, 366, l. 10. In 246 BC Ephesus was the seat of a Seleucid official bearing the title «επί της Εφέσου»: Phylarchus FGrHist 81 F 24.

31. App, Syr., 65. Phylarchus FGrHist 81 F 24. Hieronymus, Δανιήλ, 11, 6. On the contrary Polyaenus 8, 50 and Just. XXVII, 1, 1, do not mention the assassination.

32. Euseb. (Schoene, A., Eusebi Chronicorum Libri Duo [Berlin 1875] 1, p. 251 ff.) states that Seleucus II failed in his attempt to seize Sardes and Ephesus during the war against his brother Antiochus Hierax (241-239 BC).

33. In 197 BC Antiochus seized Ephesus: Titus Livius 33, 19, 8-20. Centre of operations. Polybius 18, 40^α^. There is a possibility that Antiochus III campaigned against the city already in 203 BC and his action provoked the deputation of the Ptolemaic official Agathocles, who requested respect to the existing circumstances. (Polybius 15.25.13). See Ma, J., Antiochos ΙΙΙ and the Cities of Western Asia Minor (Oxford 2000) p. 72. The Seleucid guard was placed on Ephesus’ acropolis. Titus Libius 37.13.9. Annibas: Titus Libius, 33, 45-49, App., Syr.. 4, 15-16, Just., ΧΧΧΙ, 1, 7-2.3. Romans and Antiochus : Wars between Antiochus and Romans: Grainger, D., The Roman War of Antiochos the Great (Leyden 2002). Peace of Apamea: Polybius, 21, 45. Titus Libius, XXXVIII, 39-41.

34. It functioned as a general’s seat.: I.Ephesos, ΙΙ, αρ. 201. Attalos II took care of the harbour facilities, financing costly building progammes. Strabo 14.1, 24.

35. Ephesus as free city see Rigsby, K., « The era of the province of Asia », Phoenix 33 (1979) p. 39-47. Attalus’ act is attributed to the fact that his teacher, with whom he was very close, came from Ephesus, as his father stated in a letter to the city’s authorities.: Knibbe, D., «Epigraphische Nachlese im Bereiche der ephesischen Agora», ÖJh 47 (1964-65) p. 1-6, no. 1, Robert, J. and Robert, L., Bulletin épigraphique (1968), no. 464, Engelmann, H., «Zu einem Brief von Attalos II», ZPE 19 (1975) p. 224 and Herrmann, P., «Nochmals zu dem Brief Attalos’ II. an die Ephesier», ZPE 22 (1976) p. 233-234. The recent city’s freedom explains the tenacious resistance to Aristonicus in the naval battle of Kyme, despite the fact that his mother came from Ephesus. (Strabo 14.1.38) Asia Province and the freedom of the greek city: Sherwin-White Α.Ν., Roman Foreign Policy to the East 168 B.C. to 1 AD (London 1984) p. 80-88, 235-249 and St. Mitchell, « The Administration of Roman Asia from 133 B.C. to ca. A.D. 250», in W. Eck (ed.), Lokale Autonomie und römische Ordnungsmacht in den kaiserzeitlichen Provinzen vom 1. bis 3. Jahrhundert (München 1999) p. 17-46.

36. App, Mith., 12, 21-23: the Ephesians pulled the suppliants from the statues of Artemis and killed them.

37. Assignments to Artemision.: Strabo, 14.1, 23. The Chians were forceed to move to Black Sea: App., Mith. 12, 46-47. Ephesus’ revolt , Zenobius’ assassination: App., Mith, 12, 48. Call to the rest of the Asia Minor’s cities. Κάλεσμα στις υπόλοιπες πόλεις της Ασίας: I.Ephesos Ia, αρ. 8. Oliver, J.H., «On the Ephesian debtor law of 85 B.C.», AJPh 60 (1939) p. 468-70. The documents make provision for the debts’ deletion, the invalidation of the trials’ for dishonesty or deprivation of civil rights, the confirmation of former naturalizations and the registration of slaves, metics, neighbours and freedmen in the body of citizens in return for the participation in the war-effort. This action aimed probably at the support of the lower social classes, who favoured Mithradates’ innovative policy , which he tried to apply after the first difficulties faced in Asia Minor.

38. App., Mith., 12, 61-62. Sulla treated Ephesians with peculiar cruelty, because they did not respect the roman offers in the sanctuaries. Plut., Vit. Syll. 25.

39. I.Ephesos Ιa, αρ. 5: decree in honor of Astypalea regarding the pirate’s pursuit, who had attacked the city and the Artemision and they had kidnapped children (105 or 85 BC).

40. Chr. Habicht, « New Evidence from Asia », JRS 65 (1975) p. 64-91.

41. Dion Cass. ΧΧΧΙΧ, 12-16. The same route was followed by his daughter, Arsinoe in 44 BC, who was exiled by Antonius and later (41 BC) was assassinated by Cleopatra: Strabo 14.6, 6.

42. Caes., Bellum Civile, III, 32. Cic, Fam. V, 20, 9. Att. XI, 1.2, 2.3 and 13.4. Hatzfeld, J., Les trafiquants romaines dans l’Orient hellénique (Paris, 1919) p. 200 ff.

43. Caes., Bellum Civile, III, 105. App., B Civ., 2.89. The Greeks rewarded him by erecting his statue in Ephesus. They greeted him as a descendant of Ares and Aphrodite and as a God: I.Ephesos II, no. 251.

44. App. B Civ., 4, 74 and 5, 4-5. Dio Cass XLVII, 32, 4.

45. New Dionysus, Plut., Vit. Ant., 24. Pelling, C., Plutarch: Life of Antony (Cambridge 1988) p. 176-181. Taxation: App, B Civ., 5, 6. Marcus Antonius and Cleopatra in Ephesus: Plut. V. Ant. 57, there they met approximately 300 members of the Senate.

46. According to Seneca,, Ep. 17.2.21, Ephesus was the second bigger city of the empire’s east part, after Alexandria.

47. Rigsby, K., « The era of the province of Asia », Phoenix 33 (1979) p. 47, claims that Ephesus was already the capital of the province since 129 BC .

48. Asylum: Strabo, 14.1.23. Land’s annexation (20 BC.): I.Ephesos Ia, no. 19Β β4 and VII.2, no. 3501, 3502.

49. Scherrer, P., «The City of Ephesos from the Roman Times to Late Antiquity», in Koester, H. (ed.), Ephesos. Metropolis of Asia. An interdisciplinary approach to its archaeology, religion, and culture. Papers presented at a symposium organized by Harvard Divinity School, March 1994 (Cambridge MA. 1995) p. 7.

50. Dio Cass. 67, 18.

51. Broughton, T.R.S., «Asia», in Frank, T., An Economic Survey of Ancient Rome, vol. 4 (Baltimore 1938) p. 813. On the contrary Russel, J.C., Late Antique and Medieval Population (TAPA 48: 3, Philadelphia 1958) p. 80-81, estimates that the city had in the beginning of the 2^nd century BC population of 51.000 inhabitants. Recent investigations, which take into account the extent of the urban territory, the habitation’s density in the urban net and in countryside, tend to confirm the traditional accounts, since they increase the total population of Ephesus to 180.000 and more inhabitants, from whom 28,6 % (approximately 40.000) were citizens, while a considerable part were foreigners. : White, L.M., «Urban Development and Social Chabge in Imperial Ephesos», in Koester, H. (ed.), Ephesos. Metropolis of Asia. An interdisciplinary approach to its archaeology, religion, and culture. Papers presented at a symposium organized by Harvard Divinity School, March 1994 (Cambridge MA. 1995) p 40 ff

52. Forchheimer, P., Heberdey, R., Keil, J., Niemann, G., Wilberg, W. Forschungen in Ephesos 3, Agora, Torbauten an Hafen, Wasserleitungen, Brunnenhaus beim Theater, Aquädukt (Wien 1923) p. 155 ff., no. 172 and p. 161 ff., no. 180, respectively.

53. Karwiese, S., Grosse ist die Artemis von Ephesos. Die Geschiche einer der grossen Städte der Antike (Wien 1995) p. 122-124.

54. Foss, C., Ephesos after Antiquity: A Late Antique, Byzantine and Turkish City (Cambridge Mass. 1979). Scherrer, P., «The City of Ephesos from the Roman Times to Late Antiquity», in Koester, H. (ed.), Ephesos. Metropolis of Asia. An interdisciplinary approach to its archaeology, religion, and culture. Papers presented at a symposium organized by Harvard Divinity School, March 1994 (Cambridge MA. 1995) p. 15-25.

55. Drews, R., Basileus. The Evidence for Kingship in Geometric Greece (New Haven & London 1983) p. 14-15. Carlier, P., La royauté en Grèce avant Alexandre (Strasbourg 1984) p. 440-443. Lenz, J.R., Kings and the Ideology of Kingship in Earlier Greece (c. 1200-700 B.C.): Epic, Archaeology and History, PhD, University of Columbia, 1993 (University Microfilms, Ann Arbor 1995) p. 288-293.

56. Pherecydes FGrHist 3 F 155.

57. Baton of Sinope , «Περί των εν Εφέσωι Τυράννων», FGrHist 268 F 3.

58. Antisthenes, (5^thcentury B.C.), in Diog. Laert. 9.6.

59. Carlier, P., La royauté en Grèce avant Alexandre (Strasbourg 1984) p. 443.

60. See, Hicks, E.R., Ancient Greek Inscriptions in the British Museum, III 2 (London 1890) no. 528.

61. Εσσήν: Μέγα Ετυμολογικό Λεξικό (See word.) It concerns the priesthood of Artemis Ephesia.: Picard, Ch., Ephèse et Claros. Recherches sur les sanctuaires et les cultes se l’Ionie du Nord (Paris 1922) p. 190-197. The title πάλμυς is Lydian, it is actually an epithet of the king of the gods, and this led to the wrong assumption, that Ephesus was a Lydian kingdom, before its hellenisation during the archaic period. See Hegyi, D., «ΒΑΣΙΛΕΙΟΝ ΤΩΝ ΙΩΝΩΝ», Acta Antiqua 25 (1977) p. 321-324.

62. Οικονόμου. Γ., «Ναοποιοί και εσσήνες», AρχΔελτ 7 (1921-22) p. 258-346. Keil, J., «Zur ephesischen essenia», ÖJh 36 (1946) Beibl., column 13-14.

63. Keil, J., « Die ephesischen Chiliastyen », JÖAI 16 (1913) p. 245-248. Knibbe, D., «Neue ephesischen Chiliastyen», JÖAI 46 (1961-1963) p. 19-32 and Forschungen in Ephesos IX.1.1: Der Staatsmarkt, Die Inschriften des Prytaneions (Bad Vöslau-Baden 1981) p. 107-109 and 177. The foundation of the tribes of Teians and Careneans, which Stephanus of Byzantium (see word Βέννα) dates to the era of Androclus, concerns probably the extension of citizenship during the 6^th cent. BC. The second expansion of the citizens’ body dates probably in the 5^th century BC, and concerns the foundation of the tribe of Βεμβινέων ( Βέννα according to Stephanus), which mainly embodied the metics. At the end of the 5^th or at the beginning of the 4^th century BC, the people of Selinous were honored with citizenship, because of the help they offered against the Athenians. (Xen., Hell., 1.2.10). Other extensions of the body politic took place in the 4^th century BC, in order to provide solution of the problem of population’s reduction. See Σακελλαρίου, Μ.Β., «Συμβολή στην Ιστορία του Φυλετικού Συστήματος της Εφέσου », Ελληνικά 15 (1957) p. 220-231 and N.F. Jones, Public Organization in Ancient Greece: A Documentary Study (Memoirs of the Philosophical Society, Volume 176, Philadelphia 1987) p. 311-315.

64. Gerousia: Oliver, J.H., The Sacred Gerusia (Hesperia Supplement VI, Princeton 1940) p. 9-27 and 52-125. Boule and Ekklesia: Rogers, G.M., « The Assembly of Imperial Ephesos », ZPE 94 (1992) p. 224-228.

65. I.Ephesos III, no. 859 + 859Α. Engelmann, H., «Ephesische Inschriften», ZPE 84 (1990) p. 92-94, no. 2.

66. Knibbe, D., İplıkçıoğlu, B., «Neue Inschriften aus Ephesos VIII», JÖAI 53 (1981-82) p. 130-131, no. 6, decree in honor of Aristodemos of Miletus because of his mediation to king Antigonus on behalf of the city’s tax exemption for the goods’ import from the royal estates.

67. The rural population was the main victims of this crisis, the farmers were bankrupted and couldn’t pay off their debts. In epigraphic documents of this era is testified the freeze of loans, the determination of the interest’s limits and the institutionalization of the selling of the right to register in the citizens’ list. I.Ephesos V, no. 1461 and VI, no, 2001. D. Asheri, «Leggi greche sul problema dei debiti», SCO 18 (1969) p. 42-47 and 108-114.

68. Dio Cass 31, 54 κε. Syll.³ 742. Caes, Bellum Civile, III, 32.

69. See Rostovtseff, Μ.Ι., Histoire économique et sociale du monde hellénistique (Paris 1989) p. 117-118 and 996, p. 43. Around 300 BC, the city attributed citizenship to the Rhodian Agathocles because he imported 14.000 hectes of wheat and he sold them at a lower price, than the current market price : I.Ephesos V, no. 1455.

70. Le Ridder, G., «Ephèse et Arados au Iie siècle avant notre ère», QTic 20 (1991) p. 193-210. Kosmetatou, E., « The Mint of Ephesos under the Attalids of Pergamon (202-133 B.C.)», in Friesinger, H., Krinzinger, F., (ed.), Ephesos. Der neue Führer. 100 Jahre österreichische Ausgrabungen. 1895 – 1995 (Wien 1999) p. 185-193.

71. Rigsby, K., « The era of the province of Asia », Phoenix 33 (1979) p. 39-47.

72. Strabo 14.1, 26. These states had been unsuccessfully revendicated by the Attalids. Rogers, G.M.L., The Sacred Identity of Ephesos. Foundation Myths of a Roman City (London & New York 1991) p. 4. Later, in 94/93 BC, the hostility and dispute between Sardes and Ephesus, which led to real war, ceased through the mediation of the proconsul Quintus Mucius Scaevola.: I.Ephesos Ia, no. 7.

73. Broughton, T.R.S., « Asia », in Frank, T., An Economic Survey of Ancient Rome, vol. 4 (Baltimore 1938) p. 550 (Veturii and Gerillani).

74. The customs’ organization is recorded on an inscription dated in the era of Nero, but its first part refers to the era after 75 BC. It defined the rules of the port taxes collection, the height of which ran to amounted to 2,5% of the goods’ value. Engelmann, H., Knibbe, D., «Das Zolgesetz der Provinz Asia», EA 14 (1989), Nicolet, Cl., « À propos du règlement douanier d’Asie », CRAI (1990) σελ. 675-698, « Le Monumentum Ephesenum et les dîmes d’Asie », BCH 115 (1991) σελ. 465-480, « Le Monumentum Ephesenum et la délimitation du portorium d’Asie », MEFRA 105 (1993) p. 929-959 and «Le Monumentum Ephesenum, la loi Terentia-Cassia et les dîmes d’Asie», MEFRA 111 (1999) p. 191-215.

75. Malfitana, D., « Eastern Terra Sigillata Wares in the Eastern Mediterranean », in Blondé, F., Ballet, P., Salles, J.-F. (ed.), Céramiques hellénistiques et romaines. Production et diffusion en Méditerranée orientale (Lyon 2002) p. 133-157. Ph. Bruneau, «Les lampes et l’histoire économique et sociale de la Grèce », in P. Lévêque, J.-P. Morel, ed., Céramiques hellénistiques et romaines, I (Paris 1980) p. 34.

76. Elaigne, S., « L’introduction des céramiques fines hellénistiques du bassin oriental de la Méditerranée à Alexandrie », in Blondé, F., Ballet, P., Salles, J.-F. (ed), Céramiques hellénistiques et romaines. Production et diffusion en Méditerranée orientale (Lyon, 2002) p. 159-173.

77. Sutherland , C.H.V., The Cistophori of Augustus (London 1970).

78. I.Ephesos Ia, no. 17-19.

79. Habicht, Chr., «Zwei römische Senatoren aus Kleinasien. II. Ti. Claudius Severus, der erste Konsul aus Ephesos», ZPE 13 (1974) p. 1-6 and «Die Senatoren aus den kleinasiatischen Provinzen des römisches Reiches von 1. bis zum 3. Jahrhundert», in Epigrafia e ordine senatorio, II (Roma 1982) p. 603-649.

80. Forchheimer, P., Heberdey, R., Keil, J., Niemann, G., Wilberg, W. Forschungen in Ephesos 3, Agora, Torbauten an Hafen, Wasserleitungen, Brunnenhaus beim Theater, Aquädukt (Wien 1923) p. 101 ff., no. 10, 11, 12, 13, 15, 17, 18 (3rd cent. AD).

81. Rostovtseff, M.I., Histoire économique et Sociale de l’Empire Romaine (Paris 1988) p. 466-467, footnote 9.

82. Forchheimer, P., Heberdey, R., Keil, J., Niemann, G., Wilberg, W. Forschungen in Ephesos 3, Agora, Torbauten an Hafen, Wasserleitungen, Brunnenhaus beim Theater, Aquädukt (Wien 1923) p. 101 ff., no. 16 and p. 117, no. 29. Syll.³ 389 (3^rd cent. AD).

83. I.Ephesos II, no. 274. See also I.Ephesos II, αρ. 211. Wörrle, M., «Ägyptisches Getreide für Ephesos», Chiron 1 (1971) no. 325-340.

84. Knibbe, D., « Ephesos-nicht nur die Stadt der Artemis. Die ‘anderen’ ephesischen Götter», σε Studien zur Religion und Kultur Kleinasiens. Festschrift für Friedrich Karl Dörner zum 65. Geburtstag am 28. Februar 1976 (Leiden 1978) p. 489-503. On the imperial period see Oster, R., «Ephesus as a Religious Center Under the Principate I. Paganism before Constantine», ANRW 2.18.3 (Berlin 1995) p. 1661-1728.

85. Thyc. 3.104. Diod. Sic. 15.49.

86. See Price, S.R.F., Rituals and Power. The Roman Imperial Cult in Asia Minor (Cambridge 1984), Friesen, S.J., Twice Neokoros: Ephesus, Asia and the Cult of the Flavian Imperial Family (Leiden 1993). Friesen, S.J., «The cult of the Roman emperors in Ephesos. Temple wardens, city titles, and the interpretation of the Revelation of John» in Koester, H. (ed.), Ephesos. Metropolis of Asia. An interdisciplinary approach to its archaeology, religion, and culture. Papers presented at a symposium organized by Harvard Divinity School, March 1994 (Cambridge MA. 1995) p. 229-250, Harland, P.H., «Honours and Worship: Emperors, Imperial Cults and Associations at Ephesos (third to first centuries c.E.)», Studies in Religion / Sciences Religieuses 25 (1996) p. 319-334 and Burrell, B., Neokoroi: Greek Cities and Roman Emperors (Cincinnati Classical Studies New Series Volume IX, Leiden 2004) p. 59-85.

87. Oster, R., «Ephesus as a Religious Center Under the Principate I. Paganism before Constantine», ANRW 2.18.3 (Berlin 1995) p. 1686-1687.

88. Tacitus, Annales 4, 55.

89. Acts of the Apostles 19.23-41. Thiessen, W., Christen in Ephesus. Die historische und theologische Situation in vorpaulinischer und paulinischer Zeit und zur Zeit der Apostelgeschichte und der Pastoralbriefe (Tübingen 1995) p. 90-110, Strelan, R., Paul, Artemis and the Jews in Ephesos (New York 1996), Fieger, M., Im Schatten der Artemis: Glaube und Ungehorsam in Ephesus (Bern 1998) and Klauck, H.-J., Magic and Paganism in Early Christianity. The World of the Acts of the Apostles (Edinbrough 2000) p. 97-110. On the revolt see Rogers, G.M., «Demetrios of Ephesos. Silversmith and neopoios?», Belleten 50 (1987) p. 877-883. Paul referred in his epistles to the dangers, that Ephesus faced. (1 Προς Κορινθίους 15.32, 2 Προς Κορινθίους, 1.8-10. Προς Ρωμαίους, 16.4 where he refers to his salvation by Aquilas and Priska.

90. Koester, H., « Ephesos in Early Christian Literature», in Koester, H. (ed.), Ephesos. Metropolis of Asia. An interdisciplinary approach to its archaeology, religion, and culture. Papers presented at a symposium organized by Harvard Divinity School, March 1994 (Cambridge MA. 1995) p 119-140.

91. I.Ephesos IV, no. 1351.

92. Knibbe, D., « Ephesos: Geschichte» and Alzinger, W., « Ephesos : Archäologie», in RE Suppl. 12 (1970) columns 249-297 and 1588-1704, Scherrer, P., «The City of Ephesos from the Roman Times to Late Antiquity», in Koester, H. (ed.), Ephesos. Metropolis of Asia. An interdisciplinary approach to its archaeology, religion, and culture. Papers presented at a symposium organized by Harvard Divinity School, March 1994 (Cambridge MA. 1995) p. 1-25, «Bemerkungen zur Siedlungsgeschichte von Ephesos vor Lysimachos», in Friesinger, H., Krinzinger, F., (ed.), Ephesos. Der neue Führer. 100 Jahre österreichische Ausgrabungen. 1895 – 1995. Akten des Symposions, Wien 1995 (Wien 1999) p. 379-387 and « The historical topography of Ephesos », in Parrish, D., Urbanism in Western Asia Minor. New Studies on Aphrodisias, Ephesos, Hierapolis, Pergamon, Perge and Xanthos, JRS Supplement Series Number 45, Portsmouth R.I. 2001) p. 57-87. Scherrer, P. (ed.), Ephesus. The New Guide (Istanbul 2000).

93. Kraft J.C., Kayan, İ, Brückner, H., «The Interpretation of Ancient Coastal Environments and their Resultant Paleogeographies in Environs of the Feigengarten and Artemision Excavations at Ephesus», in Steine und Wege. Festschrift für Dieter Knibbe (Wien 1999) p. 91-100.

94. Koressos: Herodotus, 5, 100, Xenn., Hell. 1.2.7-10. In Ελληνικά Οξυρύγχια 1.1. the Koressos is referred as a port. Robert, L., «Sur un décret des Korésiens au musée de Smyrne», in Robert, L., Hellenica 11-12 (Paris 1960) p. 132-176, Alzinger, W., «Koressos», σε Festschrift für Fritz Eichler (Wien 1967) p. 1-9, Karwiese, S., «Koressos, ein fast vergessener Stadtteil von Ephesos», in Pro arte antiqua. Festschrift für Hedwig Kenner, 2 (Wien 1985) p. 214-225, Engelmann, H., «Beiträge zur ephesischen Topographie», ZPE 89 (1991) p. 286-292 and «Das Koressos ein ephesisches Stadtviertel», ZPE 115 (1997) p. 131-135.

95. Keil, J., «ΧΙΙ. Vorläufige Berichte über die Ausgrabungen in Ephesos», ÖJh 23 (1926) Beiblatt, column 247-300 (particularly 250-256) and «ΧΙΙΙ. Vorläufige Berichte über die Ausgrabungen in Ephesos, ÖJh 24 (1929), Beiblatt, column 1-68 and Vetters, H., «Ephesos. Vorläufiger Grabungsbericht 1979», AnzWien 117 (1980) p. 249-266.

96. Keil, J., "Zur Topographie und Geschichte von Ephesos", ÖJh 21-22 (1922-1924), p. 96-112 ( mainly 104 ff.). The existence of a breakwater was confirmed by the geological research which was carried out there in 1966 by S. Seren. See Scherrer, P., "The historical topography of Ephesos", στο Parrish, D., Urbanism in Western Asia Minor. New Studies on Aphrodisias, Ephesos, Hierapolis, Pergamon, Perge and Xanthos (JRS Supplement Series Number 45, Portsmouth R.I. 2001), p. 60, footnote 15.

97. Scherrer, P., "The historical topography of Ephesos", in Parrish, D., Urbanism in Western Asia Minor. New Studies on Aphrodisias, Ephesos, Hierapolis, Pergamon, Perge and Xanthos (JRS Supplement Series Number 45, Portsmouth R.I. 2001), p. 60, fig. 3.4. According to Miltner, F., (Ephesos: Stadt der Artemis und des Johannes (Wien 1958), p. 3, fig. 1) the walls are dated in the 5^th century BC.

98. Scherrer, P. (ed.), Ephesus. The New Guide (Istanbul 2000).

99. Smyrna: Hipponax, fragment 50.1 where it is stated that its location was at the rear of the city. Keil J., "Die Lage des ephesischen 'Smyrna'", ÖJh 31 (1938-1939), p. 33-35. Concerning the suburn’s site under the Agora of Lysimachus’ city and the finds dated from 8th to 5th cent. BC see Scherrer, P., "Grabungen 1995", ÖJh 65 (1996), p. 12 and "Grabungen 1996", ÖJh 66 (1997) p. 5 ff.

100. Scherrer, P., "The historical topography of Ephesos", in Parrish, D., Urbanism in Western Asia Minor. New Studies on Aphrodisias, Ephesos, Hierapolis, Pergamon, Perge and Xanthos (JRS Supplement Series Number 45, Portsmouth R.I. 2001), p. 59. On the cemetery of the late archaic and classical period see: Mitsopoulou-Leon, V., "Ein Grabfund des vierten vorchristlichen Jahrhunderts aus Ephesos", ÖJh 50 (1972-1975), p. 252-265· Langmann, G., "Eine spätarchaische Nekropole unter dem Staatsmarkt zu Ephesos", in Festschrift für Fritz Eichler (Wien 1967), p. 103-123· Jobst, W., "Embolosforschungen I: Archaologische Untersuchungen östlich der Celsusbibliothek in Ephesos", ÖJh 54 (1983), p. 171-178· Özyiğit, Ö., "Spätarchaische Funde im Museum von Ephesos und die Lage von Alt-Ephesos", IstMitt 38 (1988), p. 83-96· Knibbe, D. – Langmann, G., Via Sacra Ephesiaca 1 (Wien 1993), p. 51 ff. and Karwiese, S., "Das Südtor der Tetragonos Agora in Ephesos", ÖJh 67 (1997), p. 307 ff.

101. Hdt. 1.26.2. See, Özyiğit, Ö., "Spätarchaische Funde im Museum von Ephesos und die Lage von Alt-Ephesos", IstMitt 38 (1988), p. 94-96.

102. Keil, J., "Zur Topographie und Geschichte von Ephesos", ÖJh 21-22 (1922-1924), p. 96-112 (mainly 97 ff.).

103. İcten, C. – Evren, A., "Seluçuk-Efes 3447 parsel kurtarma kazısı", in VIII. Müze Kutarma Kazıları Semineri (Ankara 1997), p. 85-110· Scherrer, P., "The historical topography of Ephesos", in Parrish, D., Urbanism in Western Asia Minor. New Studies on Aphrodisias, Ephesos, Hierapolis, Pergamon, Perge and Xanthos (JRS Supplement Series Number 45, Portsmouth R.I. 2001), p. 61.

104. Gymnasia: Xen., Hell.. 3.4.18 and Plut., Vit. Ages. 1.25 (beginning of the 4^th century BC ). theatre: I.Ephesos IV, no. 1440 (4^th century BC ). Sanctuary of Zeus Patroos and Apollo Patroos: I.Ephesos II, no. 101-104· Scherrer, P. (ed.), Ephesus. The New Guide (Istanbul 2000), p. 60.

105. Alzinger, W., "Das Zentrum der lysimachichen Stadt", in Friesinger, H. – Krinzinger, F. (ed.), Ephesos. Der neue Führer. 100 Jahre österreichische Ausgrabungen. 1895-1995 (Wien 1999), p. 389-392.

106. Strabo 14.1.21· Polyaenus 8.57· I.Ephesos IV, no. 1441· Bammer, A., "Die gebrannten Mauerziegel von Ephesos und ihre Datierung", ÖJh 47 (1964-1965), p. 289-300· Seiterle, G., "Ephesos. Lysimachische Stadtmauer", ÖJh 47 (1964-1965), p. 8-11, Die hellenistische Stadtmauer von Ephesos (PhD, University of Zürich 1970) and Mc Nicoll, R., "Developments in techniques of siegecraft and fortification in the Greek World ca. 400-100 B.C.", in Leriche, P. – Tréziny (ed.), La fortification dans l’histoire du monde grec: Actes du Colloque International de Vabonne, 1982 (Paris 1986), p. 306-310. Özyiğit, Ö., "Spätarchaische Funde im Museum von Ephesos und die Lage von Alt-Ephesos", IstMitt 38 (1988), p. 95, and "On the dating of the city walls of Ephesos", in Erol Atalay memorial (Izmir 1991), p. 137-144, who dates the city-walls in the 5th century BC.

107. Paus 7.2.6 and I.Ephesos Ia, no. 27· Seiterle, G., "Das Hauptstadttor von Ephesos", AntK 25 (1982), p. 145-149.

108. The Gate is attested by inscriptions: I.Ephesos Ia, no. 27 and II, no. 425 and 566. It would have been placed between the theatre and the Commercial Agora: Scherrer, P., "The historical topography of Ephesos", in Parrish, D., Urbanism in Western Asia Minor. New Studies on Aphrodisias, Ephesos, Hierapolis, Pergamon, Perge and Xanthos (JRS Supplement Series Number 45, Portsmouth R.I. 2001), p. 63. A fountain dated in the Hellenistic period was found outside the gate: Wilberg, W., "Das Brunnenhaus am Theater", in Forchheimer, P. – Heberdey, R. – Keil, J. – Niemann, G. – Wilberg, W., Forschungen in Ephesos 3, Agora, Torbauten an Hafen, Wasserleitungen, Brunnenhaus beim Theater, Aquädukt (Wien 1923), p. 266-273.

109. Keil, J., "Χ. Vorläufige Berichte über die Ausgrabungen in Ephesos", ÖJh 15 (1912), Beibl. p. 184 ff. and Scherrer, P., "The historical topography of Ephesos", in Parrish, D., Urbanism in Western Asia Minor. New Studies on Aphrodisias, Ephesos, Hierapolis, Pergamon, Perge and Xanthos (JRS Supplement Series Number 45, Portsmouth R.I. 2001), p 63.

110. Harbour: Atalay, E., "Efes’de Bulunan Hellenistik porte (Önrapor)", TürkArkDerg 19.1 (1970), p. 213-215· Zabehlicky, H., "Preliminary views of the Ephesian harbor", in Koester, H. (ed.), Ephesos. Metropolis of Asia. An interdisciplinary approach to its archaeology, religion, and culture. Papers presented at a symposium organized by Harvard Divinity School, March 1994 (Cambridge MA 1995), p. 201-215. Military harbour: Scherrer, P., "The historical topography of Ephesos", in Parrish, D., Urbanism in Western Asia Minor. New Studies on Aphrodisias, Ephesos, Hierapolis, Pergamon, Perge and Xanthos (JRS Supplement Series Number 45, Portsmouth R.I. 2001), p. 63.

111. Hypailaos fountain: Creophylos, Εφεσίων Ώραι, as cited by Athenaeus (8.63) and Strabo (14.1.4). However the temple cannot be identified as the sanctuary of Apollo Pythius, which according to Creophylus’ narration was built by the first settlers. This view is opposed to what is stated by Karwiese, S., "Koressos, ein fast vergessener Stadtteil von Ephesos", in Pro arte antiqua. Festschrift für Hedwig Kenner 2 (Wien 1985), p. 215-219, pl. ΙΧ-Χ. α (14.1.4). More convincing seems to be the identification with Athenaion recorded (cited) by Strabo 14.1.4 and 21, which was placed outside the modern city. Scherrer, P., "Bemerkungen zur Siedlungsgeschichte von Ephesos vor Lysimachos", in Friesinger, H. – Krinzinger, F., (ed.), Ephesos. Der neue Führer. 100 Jahre österreichische Ausgrabungen. 1895-1995 (Wien 1999), p. 379-387.

112. Langmann, G., "Smyrna gefunden", in Dobesch, G. – Rehrenböck, G., (ed.), Die epigraphische und altertumskundliche Erforschung Kleinasiens. Hundert Jahre Kleinasiatische Kommission der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. Akten des Symposiums, Wien 23.-25. Oktober 1990 (Wien 1993), p. 283-287 (where the building is related to the Smyrna’s quarter, since it is date in the 4^th century BC). Scherrer, P., "The historical topography of Ephesos", in Parrish, D., Urbanism in Western Asia Minor. New Studies on Aphrodisias, Ephesos, Hierapolis, Pergamon, Perge and Xanthos (JRS Supplement Series Number 45, Portsmouth R.I. 2001), p. 66-67 and Scherrer, P. (ed.), Ephesus. The New Guide (Istanbul 2000), p. 144 and 145, fig. 2. The adjoining well, which was still in use at the period of the warehouse’s construction and was then filled, contained a ceremonial dinner, in honor of Kybele, and a statuette of the goddess. Scherrer, P., "Grabungen 1992", ÖJh 62 (1993), p. 14· Soykal, F., "Eine spätklassische Terrakottastatuette der Kybele aus Ephesos", BerMatÖAI 5 (1993), p. 53-56.

113. Scherrer, P., "The historical topography of Ephesos", in Parrish, D., Urbanism in Western Asia Minor. New Studies on Aphrodisias, Ephesos, Hierapolis, Pergamon, Perge and Xanthos (JRS Supplement Series Number 45, Portsmouth R.I. 2001), p. 67.

114. Knibbe, D. – Thür, H. et al., Via sacra ephesiaca, 2. Grabungen und Forschungen 1992 und 1993 (Wien 1995), p. 91 ff.

115. I.Ephesos IV, no. 1381.

116. Thür, H., "Arsinoe IV, eine Schwester Kleopatras VII, Grabinhaberin des Oktogons von Ephesos? Ein Vorschlag", ÖJh 60 (1990), p. 43-56 and Scherrer, P. (ed.), Ephesus. The New Guide (Istanbul 2000), p. 124-125.

117. Scherrer, P., "The historical topography of Ephesos", in Parrish, D., Urbanism in Western Asia Minor. New Studies on Aphrodisias, Ephesos, Hierapolis, Pergamon, Perge and Xanthos (JRS Supplement Series Number 45, Portsmouth R.I. 2001), p. 72-73.

118. Scherrer, P. (ed.), Ephesus. The New Guide (Istanbul 2000), p. 158 (theatre) and 162 (fountain).

119. Keil, J., "Zur Topographie und Geschichte von Ephesos", ÖJh 21-22 (1922-1924), p. 96-112· Engelmann, H., "Beiträge zur ephesischen Topographie", ZPE 89 (1991), p. 286-292· Scherrer, P., "The historical topography of Ephesos", in Parrish, D., Urbanism in Western Asia Minor. New Studies on Aphrodisias, Ephesos, Hierapolis, Pergamon, Perge and Xanthos and Keil, J., "Zur Topographie und Geschichte von Ephesos", ÖJh 21-22 (1922-1924), p. 73.

120. Fossel, E., "Zum Tempel auf dem Staatsmarkt in Ephesos", ÖJh 50 (1972-1973), p. 212-219· Knibbe, D., Der Staatsmarkt. Die Inschriften des Prytaneions. Die Kureteninschriften und sonstige religiöse Texte (Forschungen in Ephesos 9.1.1, Wien 1981). According to Alzinger, W., "Das Regierungsviertel", ÖJh 50 (1972-1975), Beiblatt, p. 283-294, it can be identified as the temple of Isis. Andreae, B., Odysseus: Archaölogie des europäischen Menschenbildes (Frankfurt 1982), p. 69-90, believes that it was dedicated to New Dionysus – Marcus Antonius. Jobst, W.,"Zur Lokalisierung des Sebasteion-Augusteum in Ephesos", IstMitt 30 (1980), p. 248-259, states that it was the Sebasteion, while Scherrer, P., "The City of Ephesos from the Roman Times to Late Antiquity", in Koester, H. (ed.), Ephesos. Metropolis of Asia. An interdisciplinary approach to its archaeology, religion, and culture. Papers presented at a symposium organized by Harvard Divinity School, March 1994 (Cambridge MA 1995), p. 4 claims that it consisted of a temple, dedicated by Augustus to the conventus civium Romanorum for Julius and Dea Roma in 29 BC. (Dion Cassius 51.20.6). Corinthian capitals found in the street north of the State Agora probably belonged to the temple. Andreae stated that the statue group of Odysseus and Polyphemus was originally placed on this temple, and was later reused in the Pollio Fountain. However this view has been rejected. Lenz, D., "Ein Gallier unter den Gefährten des Odysseus. Zur Polyphemgruppe aus dem Pollio-Nymphaeum in Ephesos", IstMitt 48 (1998), p. 237-248.

121. I.Ephesos III, no. 859 and 859Α· Engelmann, H., "Ephesische Inschriften", ZPE 84 (1990), p. 92-94, no. 2.

122. Fossel, E., "Zum sogenannten Odeion in Ephesos", in Festschrift für Fritz Eichler (Wien 1967), p. 72-81· Meinel, R., Das Odeion, Untersuchungen an überdachten antiken Theatergebaüden (Frankfurt 1980), p. 117-133· Bier, L., "The Bouleuterion of Ephesos. Some observations for a new survey", in Steine und Wege. Festschrift für Dieter Knibbe (Wien 1999), p. 7-18 and Scherrer, P. (ed.), Ephesus. The New Guide (Istanbul 2000), p. 81-84. Alzinger’s view that there was a bouleuterion in this site seems not very convincing. See Alzinger, W., "Die Lokalisierung des hellenistischen Rathauses von Ephesos", in Bathron. Beiträge zur Architektur und verwandten Künsten für H. Drerup zu seinem 80. Geburtstag (Saarbrücken 1988), p. 21-29.

123. I.Ephesos III, no. 902. Alzinger, W., Augusteische Architektur in Ephesos (Wien 1974), p. 55 ff.

124. Scherrer, P., "The historical topography of Ephesos", in Parrish, D., Urbanism in Western Asia Minor. New Studies on Aphrodisias, Ephesos, Hierapolis, Pergamon, Perge and Xanthos (JRS Supplement Series Number 45, Portsmouth R.I 2001), p. 71.

125. This building has not been excavated. See Scherrer, P. (ed.), Ephesus. The New Guide (Istanbul 2000), p. 74. The complex has been renovated during the 5^th cent. BC, with the addition of a room in its north part decorated with mosaics.

126. Sextilius Pollio: Knibbe, D. – Engelmann, H. – İplıkçıoğlu, B., "Neue Inschriften aus Ephesos XIΙ", ÖJh 62 (1993), p. 148 ff., no. 80. Basilica: Fossel-Peschl, E.A., Die Basilika am Staatsmarkt in Ephesos (Graz 1982) and Alzinger, W., "Frühformen der römischen Marktbasilika", Römische Historiche Mitteilungen 26 (1984), p. 31-41· Knibbe, D. – Büyükkolancı, M., "Zur Bauinschrift der Basilica auf dem sog. Staatsmarkt von Ephesos", ÖJh 59 (1989), p. 43-45 and Die Basilica am Staatsmarkt in Ephesos. Kleinfunde. Forschungen in Ephesos 9/2/2 (Wien 1991).

127. Weigand, E., "Propylon und Bogentor in der östlichen Reichskunst, ausgehend vom Mithridatestor in Ephesos", Wiener Jahrbuch für Kunstgeschichte 5 (1928), p. 71-114 and Karwiese, S., "Das Südtor der Tetragonos Agora in Ephesos", ÖJh 67 (1997), p. 253-318. The Gate was restored between 1979 and 1988.

128. Hörmann, H., "Das Westtor der Agora in Ephesos", ÖJh 25 (1929), p. 22-53.

129. Stadium: Heberdey, R., "Vorläufige Berichte über die Ausgrabungen in Ephesos", ÖJh 15 (1912), Beiblαtt, p. 157-182· Karwiese, S., "Grabungen 1996", ÖJh 66 (1997), p. 19-21 and "Grabungen 1997", ÖJh 67 (1998), p. 21 ff. The building progamme of the Nero’s era were made by the freeman C. Stertinius Orpex: I.Ephesos II, no. 411, VI, no. 2113 and VII.2, no. 4123. At the site thousands Christians suffered martyrdom during the 3^rd and 4^th cen. BC. After Christianity’s domination, the arena’s marble architectural members were removed in order to be used in the construction of the churches and the Byzantine wall of Ayasoluk.

130. Lang, G.J., "Zur oberen Osthalle der Agora, der 'Neronischen Halle' in Ephesos", στο Lebendige Altertumswissenschaft. Festgabe zur Vollendung des 70. Lebensjahres von H. Vetters (Wien 1985), p. 176-180.

131. I.Ephesos Ia, no. 20.

132. Τacitus, Annales 16.23.

133. Temple: Vetters, H., “Grabungen in Ephesos von 1960-1969 bzw. 1979. Domitianterrasse und Domitiangasse. Grabungen 1960-1961”, ÖJh 50 (1972-1975), Beiblatt, p. 311-330 and Scherrer, P. (επιμ.), Ephesus. The New Guide (Istanbul 2000), p. 92-93. Statue: Meriç, R., “Rekonstruktionsversuch der Kolossalstatue des Domitian in Ephesos”, στο Pro arte antiqua. Festschrift für Hedwig Kenner II (Wien 1985), p. 239-241. On the identification of the statue with Domitian and not with Titus, see Price, S.R.F., Rituals and Power. The Roman Imperial Cult in Asia Minor (Cambridge 1984), p. 254. The room beneath the terrace of the Domitian temple (Cryptoporticus) is today used as epigraphic museum: Tek, F., “1969-1970 Yilli Domitianus Tapinağı Krıptoportık Kazısında Bulunan Kandıller”, Efes Harabeleri ve Müzesı Yıllığı 1 (1972) p. 36-42· Türkoğlu, S. – Meriç, R., “Domitian Kriptoportiği Kazısı Ön Raporu”, Efes Harabeleri ve Müzesı Yıllığı 1 (1972), p. 5-11· Türkoğlu, S., “Domitianus Kriptoportik’i Kazisinda Bulunan Portreler (Les Fouilles du Crypto-Portique de Domitien)”, Efes Harabeleri ve Müzesı Yıllığı 1 (1972), p. 12-31.

134. Heberdey, R. – Niemann, G. – Wilberg, W., Das Theater in Ephesos. Forschungen in Ephesos 2 (Wien 1912), p. 174 ff., no. 61· Forchheimer, P. – Heberdey, R. – Keil, J. – Niemann, G. – Wilberg, W., Forschungen in Ephesos 3, Agora, Torbauten an Hafen, Wasserleitungen, Brunnenhaus beim Theater, Aquädukt (Wien 1923), p. 149, no. 66 and 71.

135. Schneider, D., “Die Arkadiane in Ephesos. Konzept einer Hallenstrasse”, in Stadt und Umland. Neue Ergebnisse der archäologischen Bau und Siedlungsforschung. Bauforschungskolloquium in Berlin von 7 bi 10 Mai 1997 (Mainz 1999), p. 120-122 and “Bauphasen der Arkadiane”, in Friesinger, H. – Krinzinger, F. (ed.), Ephesos. Der neue Führer. 100 Jahre österreichische Ausgrabungen. 1895-1995 (Wien 1999), p. 467-478.

136. Rogers, G.M.L., The Sacred Identity of Ephesos. Foundation Myths of a Roman City (London – New York 1991).

137. Sherrer, P., “The historical topography of Ephesos”, in Parrish, D., Urbanism in Western Asia Minor. New Studies on Aphrodisias, Ephesos, Hierapolis, Pergamon, Perge and Xanthos (JRS Supplement Series Number 45, Portsmouth R.I. 2001), p. 75 and Scherrer, P. (ed.), Ephesus. The New Guide (Istanbul 2000), p. 150.

138. Asklepieion: I.Ephesos IΙ, no. 105. at the head of the Mouseion: I.Ephesos IΙΙ, no. 719. Medical competitions in the Mouseion: I.Ephesos IV, no. 1162, VI, no. 2065 and 2304, VII.1, no. 3068 and 3239, and VII.2, no. 4101. Serapeion: Keil, J., “Das Serapeion von Ephesos”, in Halil Edhem Hatira Kitabi I (Ankara 1947), p. 181-192· Walters, J.C., “Egyptian Religions in Ephesos”, in Koester, H. (ed.), Ephesos. Metropolis of Asia. An interdisciplinary approach to its archaeology, religion, and culture. Papers presented at a symposium organized by Harvard Divinity School, March 1994 (Cambridge MA 1995), p. 281-309· Koester, H., “The cult of the Egyptian deities in Asia Minor”, in Koester, H. (ed.), Pergamon. Citadel of the Gods, Symposium held at the Harvard University, 1997 (Harvard Theological Studies 46, Harrisburg 1998), p. 111-135 and Scherrer, P. (ed.), Ephesus. The New Guide (Istanbul 2000), p. 148-150. Identification of Serapeion with the Mouseion: Scherrer, P., “The historical topography of Ephesos” in Parrish, D., Urbanism in Western Asia Minor. New Studies on Aphrodisias, Ephesos, Hierapolis, Pergamon, Perge and Xanthos (JRS Supplement Series Number 45, Portsmouth RI 2001), p. 75. Later the temple was turned into a church.

139. Thür, H., Das Hadrianstor in Ephesos (Forschungen in Ephesos, 11.1, Wien 1989): it was destroyed by an earthquake in the 4^th century.

140. Outschar, U., “Zur Deutung des Hadrianstempels an der Kuretenstrae?”, in Friesinger, H. – Krinzinger, F., (ed.), Ephesos. Der neue Fuhrer. 100 Jahre osterreichische Ausgrabungen. 1895-1995 (Wien 1999), p. 443-448. Miltner, F., “Eine Reliefplatte vom Tempel Hadrians in Ephesos”, στο Festschrift zu Ehren Richard Heubergers (Innsbruck 1960), p. 93-98· Saporiti, N., “A Frieze from the Temple of Hadrian at Ephesus”, in Essays in memory of K. Lehmann (New York 1964), p. 269-278· Fleischer, R., “Der Fries des Hadrianstempel in Ephesos”, in Festschrift fur Fritz Eichler (Wien 1967), p. 23-71· Brenk, B., “Die Datierung der Reliefs am Hadrianstempel in Ephesos und das Problem der tetrarchischen Skulptur des Ostens”, IstMitt 18 (1968), p. 238-258.

141. Scherrer, P. (ed.), Ephesus. The New Guide (Istanbul 2000), p. 120.

142. Lang-Auinger, C. – Forstenpointner, G. – Lang, G. Et al. ., Hanghaus 1 in Ephesos. Der Baubefund (Forschungen in Ephesos 7.3, Wien 1996)· Krinzinger, F. – Schirmer, W. – Achleitner, F. et all., Ein Dach fur Ephesos. Der Schutzhaus fur das Hanghaus 2 (Wien 2000)· Lang, G., “Die Reconstruktion der domus im Hanghaus1”, Lang-Auinger, C., “Das spathellenistische Peristylhaus im Hanghaus 1 von Ephesos”, Parrish, D., “House (or Wohneinheit) 2 in Hanghaus 2 at Ephesos: A Few Issues of Interpretation”, Strocka, V.M., “Taberna H 2/45 und die Chronologie der Fresken von Hanhaus 2”, Wiplinger, G., “Neue Untersuchungen in Wohneinheit 1 und 2 des Hanghauses 2 in Ephesos”, in Friesinger, H. – Krinzinger, F., (ed.), Ephesos. Der neue Fuhrer. 100 Jahre osterreichische Ausgrabungen. 1895-1995 (Wien 1999), p. 495-500, 501-505, 507-513, 515-519, 521-526. It has been assumed, that the House 1 and House 2 were used for mystic cults: Scherrer, P., “The City of Ephesos from the Roman Period to Late Antiquity”, in Koester, H. (ed.), Ephesos. Metropolis of Asia. An interdisciplinary approach to its archaeology, religion, and culture. Papers presented at a symposium organized by Harvard Divinity School, March 1994 (Cambridge MA 1995), p. 7.

143. Knibbe, D. – Langmann, G., Via Sacra Ephesiaca 1 (Wien 1993)· Knibbe, D. – Thur, H. et al., Via sacra ephesiaca, 2. Grabungen und Forschungen 1992 und 1993 (Wien 1995)· Knibbe, D., “Via Sacra Ephesiaca: New Aspects of the Cult of Artemis Ephesia”, in Koester, H. (επιμ.), Ephesos. Metropolis of Asia. An interdisciplinary approach to its archaeology, religion, and culture. Papers presented at a symposium organized by Harvard Divinity School, March 1994 (Cambridge MA 1995), p. 141-156· Thur, H., Via sacra ephesiaca 3 (Wien 2000). Besides the East gymnasium and the Stoa, Damian built an Oikos (chamber) in Baths: I.Ephesos III, no. 672.

144. Koester, H. (ed.), Ephesos. Metropolis of Asia. An interdisciplinary approach to its archaeology, religion, and culture. Papers presented at a symposium organized by Harvard Divinity School, March 1994 (Cambridge MA 1995), p. 15.

145. Karwiese, S., Grosse ist die Artemis von Ephesos. Die Geschiche einer der grossen Städte der Antike (Wien 1995), p. 104 and 113. It was earlier identified with Androclus’ Monument or the so –called Macellum.