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Stratonicea (Antiquity)

Συγγραφή : Karioris Panayotis , Kalogeropoulou Georgia (19/9/2006)
Μετάφραση : Kalogeropoulou Georgia , Karioris Panagiotis

Για παραπομπή: Karioris Panayotis, Kalogeropoulou Georgia, "Stratonicea (Antiquity)",
Εγκυκλοπαίδεια Μείζονος Ελληνισμού, Μ. Ασία
URL: <http://www.ehw.gr/l.aspx?id=10061>
Stratonicea (Antiquity) (10/3/2007 v.1) Στρατονίκεια (Αρχαιότητα) (7/3/2007 v.2) 
 

1. Geography

Stratonicea was a city in the interior of Caria, built on a plain near the sources of Marsyas River. The ruins of the ancient city are located in the modern village Eskihissar, in Mugla province, 7 km. west of Yatagan.

The region, which was fertile and cultivated in antiquity, has gone through great environmental destructions caused by the excessive lignite extraction. The modern settlement, called Eskihissar, developed over the ancient city, a fact which hinders the progress of the archaeological researches. In 1958 the Turkish village was evacuated following a destructive earthquake. The abandoned and devastated houses blended with the imposing ancient monuments, the scattered inscriptions and architectural members compose an odd picture in the middle of a moonscape.

2. Foundation

The foundation of Stratonicea is a matter of discussion among the scholars as the written sources provide vague data to define a precise date. However, this was undoubtedly a Hellenistic city of the Seleucids dated to the 3rdcentury BC. Despite the evidence on inscriptions and coins, the identification of the founder is rather difficult. Either Seleucus I, or Antiochus I, Antiochus II, Antiochus III or Eumenes II is considered to have been the founder.1 Antiochus I seems to be more widely accepted by the researchers of the history of Stratonicea as the founder of the city in the period 281-261 BC.

Stephanus of Byzantium provides valuable information on the name of the city, stating that it was named in honour of Stratonice, the spouse of Antiochus I.2 On the other hand, Pausanias appears to favour Seleucus I Nicator as the founder of the city, who had also married Stratonicea.3 Stratonicea4 was the second wife of Seleucus I. She later got married to Antiochus I, son of Seleucus I, and gave birth to four children. One of them was Antiochus II. Presumably, should Antiochus II be the founder of Stratonicea, he would have called it after his mother’s name.

The date of foundation should be settled when the Seleucides acquired the control of Caria. According to a Ptolemaic inscription from the area, which records the sale of a vineyard and is dated in the ninth year of "Ptolemy, son of Ptolemy", which is to say Philadelphus, the region was under Ptolemaic occupation until at least 274 BC.5 An inscription from Labraunda6 records a decree of the Chrysaoric League in 267 BC. The enactment of decrees by the League was taken as evidence of the fact that Stratonicea had not consolidated its position as the official centre of the union in that period.7 The publication of an important inscription from Yatagan raised again the question of the founder.8 The inscription, which refers to the period of "king Antiochus and the son of Antiochus" has been interpreted either as evidence for the foundation of the city by Antiochus I in the interval 268-261 BC9 or by his son, Antiochus II after 253 BC.10

The view suggesting Seleucus I as the founder of Stratonicea takes into account Appian’s testimony. Appian included the city in the list with Seleucus’ foundations.11 Nevertheless, it is considered rather improbable for Seleucus to have founded cities in the short term of 281 BC, when he was in western Asia Minor, that is the period between the battle in Kouropedion in Lydia and his death.12 A fragment of a letter by Seleucus13, found in Stratonicea, was dated in the beginning of the 3rd century BC, thus it is attributed to Selecus I Nicator. However, this is not generally accepted and as a consequence the existence of the city at that time is dubious.14

The city was founded in a region of Caria where the indigenous population was already politically organised into small poleis (cities) or koina (villages) surrounding sanctuaries.15 The precise process of integration of these Carian communities into the Hellenistic city and its establishment as the political and administrative centre is unclear.

The ancient writers report that the city was founded in the place of Idrias, an older Carian city, which was called Chrysaoris in an even earlier date and add that not only the city but also the whole territory was initially called Chrysaoris.16Herodotus mentions that Idrias was the region where Marsyas River flowed.17 Idrias appears as Edrieis in the tribute lists of the Athenian League and had to contribute the amount of six talents in 425 BC.18 The initial name of the region is a rather complicated subject, directly related with the names of the demes and phylai of Stratonicea.19

Stratonicea was probably a Macedonian katoikia, that is to say a military settlement but simultaneously a synoikismos of the existing communities in the wider region.20 Stratonicea evolved into a city of particular organisation and unique characteristics by taking advantage of the pre-existing political structures and the significant sanctuaries of Hekate at Lagina and Zeus at Panamara as well.

3. History

Stratonicea was a thriving city during the period of the Seleucids, who adorned it with luxurious buildings21 and established its dominance in the wider region.

It was one of the cities which hosted the Delphic Theoroi in 230-220 BC.22 Later it was given to Rhodes but the date is uncertain. Polybius mentions that Rhodes had received Stratonicea by the great generosity of Antiochus and Seleucus.23 The identification of these kings is questionable. They appear to be Seleucus II and Antiochus III, which implies that the event took place during Seleucus II reign (246-226/5 BC).24

In 200 BC it came under the control of Philip V for a short period of time and was recovered by the Rhodians with Antiochus help in 197 BC. The evidence for the loss and the recovery of Stratonicea by Rhodes is provided by Livy and a few epigrams of Nikagoras, a Rhodian general.25 The inscriptions that are dedicated to the expedition of Nikagoras are probably dated in the period 201-198 BC, providing rather precise information for the dating of Stratonicea’s recovery. The Rhodian possession of the city was confirmed by the Peace of Apamea in 188 BC. Rhodes demanded from Stratonicea 120 talents as an annual tax and oppressed the population. Soon Stratonicea defected from Rhodes. In167 BC Rhodes attempted to capture Stratonicea but this act was not approved by the Roman Senate and the Rhodians were compelled to recede.

Stratonicea was declared a free city by the Roman Senate. The decree senatus consultum, bearing the names Marius Censorinus and Calvisius Sabinus, which also confirmed the aid of Rome to the city of Stratonicea, was placed on the Temple of Zeus at Panamara. This decision reinforced the already strong bonds of the city with Rome. The devotion of Stratonicea to the Empire culminated in the period of Augustus with the establishment of imperial cult and the foundation of a temple to honour Augustus and Rome. This was the time when the city minted its own coins.

A conflict about the borders between Rhodes and Stratonicea was settled by the city of Vargylia26 in 130 BC. In the same year Aristonicus took refuge in Stratonicea after his defeat by the consul Marcus Perperna. Aristonicus was arrested there after a siege, without being supported by the city, which remained faithful to Rome.

During the Mithridatic War, in 88 BC, the city was occupied by Mithridates, who settled himself there for a certain period of time.27 Stratonicea resisted and consequently was punished by Mithridates, who imposed fines and installed a guard but in the end of the war Stratonicea was compensated by Sulla.28 As a reward the city was declared free and took back its harbour Keramos.

The Parthian hordes attacked Stratonicea in 40 BC but failed to capture the city, not even after a long-lasting siege. The Parthians revenge themselves by sacking the sanctuary of Hecate and they attempted unsuccessfully to destroy the temple of Zeus at Panamara. Stratonicea gained the gratitude of August and the Senate for its strong resistance.29 The senatus consultum was placed on the temple of Hekate at Lagina. The political and economic privileges, included tax exemption, which were attributed to the city, encouraged a new economic blossoming.

During the 2ndcentury AD Stratonicea received 250.000 denarius by Antoninus Pius, perhaps as financial aid after a devastating earthquake. In that period the city claimed to be the capital of Caria.

4. Coinage

The political and religious life of Stratonicea is illustrated by the coinage, providing valuable information.30 The city cut its first coins when it gained independency from Rhodes, circa 167 BC. A great number of silver and bronze coins have been discovered, dated from the 2nd century BC until the 3 century AD. The later in date belong to the period of Gallienus (253-268 AD).

The ethnic epithet used on coins is Stratoniceon or Streatoniceon. The monetary types include silver staters, tetradrachma, two obols of the period 166 to 88 BC and half drachma of the same period, cistophori and drachmas dated to 100 BC and various other types of the Imperial years.

The most common representations are Zeus and Hecate, as well as the eagle with a torch or a lightning. The coins usually depict Artemis Ephesus, Zeus Panamareus, Hecate, Demetra, Dionysus, Nike, Velerephontis with Pegasus, Fortune, Rome, Athena and various inscriptions on the reverse.

5. Eminent personalities

Stratonicea was the birthplace of the eminent grammarian Dracon of Stratonicea (circa 170 –90 BC). By studying certain features in his works, we can conclude that he was predecessor or contemporary of Dionysius Thrax. Some titles of Dracon’s works are cited in the Suda. An extant titled "On Poetical Metres”, which was found in a code of the 16thcentury AD, proved to be not a genuine work of Dracon but of the Greek scholar Iacovos Diasorinos, written later than 1526 AD. Other personalities from Stratonicea were Menippus, the orator, a student of Cicero in 78/77 BC, and Mitrodorus, a mathematician and Epicurian philosopher of the 2ndcentury BC, student of Carneadis.

6. Political organisation

The political organisation of Stratonicea followed the model of Miletus and other of Seleucidic cities. The citizenbody was organised into phylai and demes, a system differentiated from what was previously found in the indigenous Carian cities based on phylai and syngeneiai (kinships).31

The study of the rich epigraphical material of Stratonicea testifies that the demes of the city were actually the ancient Carian communities of the region. The five most important demes were: Hiera Kome, Koliorga, Kora(n)za, Koraia and Lovolda. The only Greek demotic is Hiera Kome while the others are Carian.

It is a matter of controversy which deme was called Hiera Kome. In addition, taking into consideration the fact that the most frequent demotic is Hierakometes, Hiera Kome was very significant for the city of Stratonicea. The absence of a demotic for Lagina in the inscriptions, since Lagina was not only the most important city of the region due to the sanctuary of Hecate but also the most powerful in size and organisation, suggests that Hiera Kome was actually referring to Lagina.

According to another view, the deme of Hiera Kome might have been the settlement around the Sanctuary of Zeus Chrysaoreus, which was located near the city, and was first called Chrysaoris and later Idrias. A Roman decree of the senate in 81 BC refers to the ethnic epithet as "Stratoniceon from Chrysaoreon". Stratonicea was also the centre of the Chrysaoric League, a federation of the Carian cities, which met in the Temple of Zeus Chrysaoreus within the city’s territory. The earliest written testimony of the League is an inscription dated to 267 BC, but it is likely to have pre-existed this date.

The demotics known from inscriptions, either in full form or abbreviated, mainly from Panamara and Lagina are: VORANDEIS, HIEROKOMETAI, KOLIORGEIS, KORAIEIS, KORANZEIS, LOVOLDEIS, LONDARGEIS, PANAMAREIS, TARMIANOI, THEMESEIS, TRAL [LEIS] or TRAL [DEIS]. The only ethnic name that is known by inscriptions is Korollos, which is of Carian, not Greek etymology. The question of phylai is particularly complicated, as we know that Carian koina (federations) pre-existed the foundation of Stratonicea. Nevertheless, it is indisputable that the political structure of Stratonicea integrated all the Carian federations. Moreover, it was based on subdivisions of demes and phylai.

Finally, the development of Stratonicea was based on a balance between the imposition of the political structure of a Hellenistic city with the synoikismos of the indigenous, equivalent in size and political power, cities. It appears that the political centre was the Bouleuterion of Stratonicea, while the sanctuary of Zeus Chrysaoreus or Hecate at Lagina remained the religious centre.

7. Religion and sanctuaries

In the territory of Stratonicea there were three important sanctuaries: Zeus Chrysaoreus, Hecate at Lagina, to the north of the city and Zeus at Panamara.

According to Strabo the Temple of Zeus Chrysaoreus was found near the city.32 The location of the temple has been identified by some scholars with a place called “Leukai Stelai” (White Pillars), which is mentioned by Herodotus as a meeting place of the Carians.33 The problem of the temple’s location remains a subject for discussion, as well as the topographic confirmation of the place mentioned by Herodotus.34

The sanctuary of Hecate was located 11km to the north-east of the city. A Sacred Way led to the sanctuary, beginning from the northern gate of Stratonicea’s walls through the necropolis. The rules of the religious celebrations of Hecate were written in an inscription found on the north exterior wall of the Bouleuterion of Stratonicea. The region of Lagina had been inhabited since the Bronze Age, which means well before the establishment of the sanctuary at Lagina as a religious centre by the Seleucids. During the cult festivals a procession delivered the key of the temple from Lagina to Stratonicea, as reveal the inscriptions from Lagina.35

The sanctuary of Hecate was surrounded by a wall 2m. high. The entrance was a monumental propylon with three gates. To the west of the propylon there was a stoa with an entrance of an arch supported by four Ionian columns. A stairway with ten steps led from the propylon to a paved way and then to the altar. The temple dominated in the centre of the temenos on a crepidoma. Its architectural type was pseudodipteral with pronaos. The columns, 8 by 11 in number, are in Corinthian order. The sculptural decoration of the temple is exhibited in the archaeological museum of Constantinople, after the excavations and restoration works in the1990’s. The frieze bears representations from the Greek and Carian mythology: on the east episodes from Zeus life circle, on the west the Gigantomachy, on the north the Amazonomachy and on the south the gods of Caria.

The remains of the sanctuary of Zeus Panamareus are scanty. It is located 5 km. to the South of Stratonicea. Nowadays, its location coincides with the centre of the village Bagyaka, thus the archaeological research is impossible. The important festivals Komyria, in honour of Zeus Komyros, were celebrated at Panamara. Komyros was a pre-existing Carian deity that was later identified with Zeus.

8. Archaeology

8.1. The archaeological research

Stratonicea was studied for the first time in the 18 century. The ancient city had been known since the 17 century, when travelers had visited the region and had located the ruins and inscriptions. In 1743 R. Pococke described the theatre, the bouleuterion and the imposing entrance gate of the city.36 The earlier pictures of the monuments of Stratonicea were published by Choiseul Gouffier37and R. Chandler.38 Topographic plans of the city with all the monuments visible in that date, as well as an identification of the public buildings were presented 1863.39

Almost a century later, the bouleuterion was systematically studied for the first time,40 while in 1977 excavations started under the direction of Y. Boysal.41 The excavations revealed the most important buildings of the city and offered a picture, abeit vague and fragmentary, of the topography of the city. The excavations have not been completed yet42 and our knowledge about the ancient city is enriched by indirect sources, such as the inscriptions and the descriptions of ancient writers. The archaeological finds are kept, and some of them are exhibited in the museums of Constantinople, Halicarnassus, Mylasa and Mugla. A small local museum has been organised in the archaeological site of Stratonicea.

8.2. Topography

Stratonicea, compared to other cities of the Seleucids, resembles Laodicea and Seleuceia - Zeugma in size and topography. Although it was small in size, it was favoured by the Seleucids, who also adorned it with brilliant buildings, as quoted by Strabo and confirmed by excavations.

The city extended on a plain between hills. To the south, there was a fortified acropolis. The city was built according to the hippodamian plan, which means that it followed the typical organised layout which was applied on the Hellenistic cities. The urban plan followed a detailed conception, with all the buildings adapting to the requirements and the restrictions that were imposed by it. Inscriptions43 dated to the Hellenistic period inform us that that the city had broad avenues (called plateiai) and quarters (called amphoda), which are connected with the military and administrative organisation of city. The poor condition of the site and the lack of sufficient archaeological data do not permit a further identification but it appears that the urban plan developed on an axis from north to south following a rectangular grid, characterized by clearly defined living quarters, which not only permitted free access but also encouraged an immediate reaction of the residents in case of danger.44

The city extended in an area of a square kilometre and was surrounded by a wall about 3,5 kilometres long and between 2,4 and 3 metres wide. Traces of the fortification are visible in about 2.5 km length. The defensive wall was constructed with local slate in pseudo-isodomic masonry. In the northeastern corner of the city a fortress was built with square blocks in isodomic masonry. It is dated in the early Hellenistic period, and the date of its construction coincides with the phase of the city’s foundation, the period of Antiochus I, 281-261 BC. The fortress had been repaired in a later date, as it is evident by the built-in inscriptions and column drums.

The main entry to the city was through the monumental north propylon. The gate had two entrances and the intermediary space accommodated a nymphaeum. The main street ran through the city following the axis from the north gate to the south gate. The most important public buildings, revealed by excavations, are the Gymnasium, the Bouleuterion, the Theatre, the Agora and the Aqueduct. The construction of great public buildings during the 2nd century BC is an interesting topic. By acquiring bouleuterion, theatre, agora and gymnasium, Stratonicea declared not only freedom in political level but also its Hellenic character as the city fulfilled all the prerequisites for its organisation into an urban centre accordingly to the model of Greek cities. The Gymnasium is a fine example, as its size is disproportionately big for the city.

Various inscriptions provide information about the existence of other important buildings whose identification remains problematic. These are mainly temples, such as the Temple of Serapis, the Samothrakeion and the Herakleion. 45

8.3. Public buildings

8.3.1. The Bouleuterion

The Bouleuterion was founded in the centre of the lower part of the city in the Late Hellenistic period (129-30 BC). The architectural type follows the Bouleuterion of Miletus. The entrance is located on the west side of the building. The four lower rows of seats are still preserved. The building had been initially identified with the Serapeion. Many inscriptions and an honorary resolution of Diocletian, which was found on the north wall, confirmed that this was actually the Bouleuterion of Stratonicea.

8.3.2. The Agora

The Agora, along with the stadium, probably belongs to the first building phase of Stratonicea. The Agora occupied the large area to the west of the Bouleuterion. Moreover, there is evidence, such as a pricelist on the north wall of the Bouleuterion and a stoa, that it was also extended around it. Remains of the foundation in the east side and scattered marble members are preserved as well. The ruins of a building of unknown use and plan are discernible to the north. A long wall of good isodomic masonry belonged to that building.

8.3.3. The Theatre

It was erected in the Hellenistic period in the north slope of the south hill of Stratonicea. Its capacity was approximately 10.000 spectators. The cavea and the skene follow the typical architectural plan and the organisation of Greek theatres in Asia Minor. The cavea was divided into nine cunei by stairs. Twenty-one rows of seats and Greek inscriptions were preserved few years ago.

The theatre is dated to the 2 century BC, according to the sculptural decoration, and it is one of the earliest in date. During the Imperial Period the theatre was modified following Asia Minor models of the Roman Period. The construction of a richly decorated scene (scaenae frons) drastically changed the appearance of the theatre.

8.3.4. The Gymnasium

The Gymnasium was built in the second quarter of the 2ndcentury BC to the west end of the city in a small distance from the fortification wall. It is the earliest precocious public building of Stratonicea. The public character of the Gymnasium is emphasized by the great number of inscriptions, which refer to the events taking place there, events not only athletic but also religious. The great size, of dimensions 105 by 180 m, is justified by the desire to fulfil the need for a space suitable for crowded events. Moreover, the Gymnasium is impressive, not only comparing its dimensions to the small size of the city, but also for its elaborate decoration, such as the exquisite Corinthian capitals. Columns, parts of the entablature, part of the palaistra and two auxiliary rooms are still preserved.

8.5. The Urban Sanctuaries

Information on the temples of Stratonicea mainly derives from numerous inscriptions, which enlighten their role in the religious life of Stratoniceans. Moreover, it becomes clear that the temples characterised each district (amphoda) of the city. In the centre of the city the Temple of Serapis46 was located. This temple has occasionally been identified with the building that is widely recognized as the Bouleuterion of the city.

The only remains of a temple found in Stratonicea testify the existence of a sanctuary on a plateau to the north, above the cavea of the theatre. The choice of this location bear symbolic importance as an imaginable line connects the temple with the theatre and the centre of city. In addition, the temple visually dominated the entire city. This marble Ionic temple imitates, but for minor details, the Temple of Zeus at Labraunda, the most important Carian sanctuary in that period. These correlations undoubtedly seek to underline not only the importance of the cult which was practised in this particular temple but also to emphasise the new role of Stratonicea as the religious centre in a region of Caria with pre-existing religious importance. Thus, the view that this was the place where Zeus Chrysaoreus was worshipped is quite strong. Another suggestion supports that this temple was dedicated to the Imperial cult of Augustus and Rome.47

8.5. The Necropolis

The necropolis extended to the north of the city. The necropolis has not been excavated. Surface pottery and few tombs indicate the site. The pottery suggests continuous use of the cemetery from the Archaic and Classical period until the Late Roman period.

1. See Cohen, M. G., The Hellenistic Settlements in Europe, the Islands and Asia Minor (Oxford 1995), pp. 268-273. See also Debord, P, “Questions Stratonicéennes” in Bresson, A., Descat, R. (ed.), Les cités d ' Asie mineure occidentale au IIe siècle a. c. (Bordeaux 2001) pp. 157-172, where it is suggested that founders of Stratonikeia could have been either Antiochus II or III, but also Eumenes II, who in accordance with Stratonikeia at Caicus named the city to honour his spouse Stratonice.

2. Steph. Byz. 1. c.

3. Lang, G., Klassische Antike Stätten Anatoliens, Band II: Larisa-Zeleia (2003), pp. 482-483.

4. Stratonice was the daughter of Demetrius I ‘Poliorcetes’. In 298 BC she married Seleucus I Nicator and gave birth to a girl.

5. Regarding the inscription dated to 274 BC, SEG XV 652 see Cohen, M. G., The Hellenistic Settlements in Europe, the Islands and Asia Minor (Oxford 1995) p. 270.

6. Labraunda 43, in Crampa, J., The Greek Inscriptions in Labraunda, Lund and Stockholm (1969-1972).

7. Based on that, C. Habicht [see Gnomon 44 (1972) p. 169] suggested that the Ptolemies lost the region after 267 BC, more precisely in 259/58 BC, hence Antiochus II was probably the founder.

8. See Şahin, M. C., ZPE 39 (1980), pp. 211-212, no 3.

9. See Robert, J. L., Mélanges Isidore Lévy (Brussels 1955), p. 553-568.

10. For an extensive discussion of the data see Debord, P., “Questions Stratonicéennes” in Bresson, A., Descat, R, (ed.) Les cités d'Asie mineure occidentale au IIe siècle a.c.(Bordeaux 2001) pp. 157-158.

11. Appian, Syrians 57.

12. It has also been suggested that Appian’s note was probably wrong or it referred to Stratonicea in Mesopotamia. See Cohen, M. G., The Hellenistic Settlements in Europe, the Islands and Asia Minor (Oxford 1995), p. 270. Pliny, NH 6.118.

13. Şahin, M. C., Die Inschriften von Stratonikeia (Bonn 1981), n. 1001.

14. Scholars do not agree on the recipients of the letter: they might have been certain dignitaries, the boule or demos. Consequently, the existence of the city during the years of Seleucus I is rejected. See Cohen, M. G., The Hellenistic Settlements in Europe, the Islands and Asia Minor (Oxford 1995), p. 271 who questions the attribution of the letter to Seleucus I and suggests Seleucus II.

15. See Van Bremen, R., “The demes and phylai of Stratonikeia in Karia”, Chiron 30 (2000), pp. 389-401 for analytical bibliography.

16. Pausanias IV 21.10. Steph. Byz. 1. c. Stephanus mentions that the name of the city changed in a later date into Hadrianopolis but this seems to be incorrect because he had confused it with the homonym city in Lydia that changed its name to honour Hadrian. See L. Robert, Villes d'Asie Mineure (Paris 1962), p. 43.

17. Herodotus 5. 11.8.

18. Polybius 30.31.6. Livy 33.18.22.

19. The subject is thoroughly analysed by M. C. Şahin in The Political and Religious Structure in the Territory of Stratonikeia in Caria (Ankara 1976).

20. Strabo describes Stratonicea as a residence (katoikia) of the Macedonians. For the term katoikia see Robert, L., Études anatoliennes (Paris 1937), pp. 191-194.

21. Strabo 2. 25, XIV 658. Strabo mentions that the kings adorned the city with luxurious buildings without however specifying who these kings were.

22. For Stratonicea in the list of Delphic Theoroi see Cohen, M. G., The Hellenistic Settlements in Europe, the Islands and Asia Minor (Oxford 1995), p. 271.

23. Polybius 30.31.6.

24. For all the references regarding the subject see Cohen, M. G., The Hellenistic Settlements in Europe, the Islands and Asia Minor (Oxford 1995), p. 271. Different interpretations identify those kings either with Antiochus I and his son Seleucus, who never became a king, or with Seleucus II and his son Hierax, in 240 BC [see Bean, G. E., Turkey beyond the Maeander, An archaeological guide (London 1971), pp. 98-104] or with Antiochus III and his son Seleucus [Magie, D., Roman Rule in Asia Minor (Princeton 1950), p. 880].

25. The passage from Livy (Livy 33.18.22) testifies that when the Rhodians captured a part of Caria, including Stratonicea, in 197 BC from Philip V, they recovered the city with help from Antiochus.

26. See Ager, S. L., Interstate Arbitrations in the Greek World, 337-90 BC (University of California Press 1996), p. 273-4 about the subject and the mediation from Rome in the resolution of the dispute between Mylasa and Stratonicea later than 188 BC.

27. Appian Mith. 20-21.

28. The Stratoniceans were praised by Sulla for defending the Roman interests and they felt very proud. See Kallet-Marx, R., Hegemony the Empire: Development of the roman Imperium in the East from 148-62 BC (University of California Press 1995), p. 283.

29. Dio Cass. 48. 26.3-4. Tac. Ann. 3.62.

30. About the coinage of Stratonicea from167 BC until the 3rd century BC see SNG von Aulock, 2653-98.

31. On these matters see Şahin, M. C., The Political and Religious Structure in the Territory of Stratonikeia in Caria (Ankara 1976) and Van Bremen, R., “The demes and phylai of Stratonikeia in Karia” Chiron 30 (2000), pp. 389-401.

32. Strabo 14. 2. 25.

33. Herodotus 5.118.

34. See Şahin, M. C., Stratonikeia in Caria (Ares Publications 1995), pp. 11-15 and Laumonier, A., “Archéologie Carienne”, BCH 60 (1936), pp. 286-335, who suggests as a likely location for the sanctuary the ruins which are visible 4 km. East of Eskihissar.

35. See Sahin, S. and Sahin, M.C., Die Inschriften von Stratonikeia. Teil II, 1: Lagina, Stratonikeia und Umgebung (Bonn 1982).

36. Pococke, R., A Description of the East, 1, 2, Asia Minor 1743.

37. Choiseul Gouffier, Voyage Pittoresque de la Grèce I (1787), p. 134, tab. 76 ff.

38. Chandler, R., Travel in Asia Minor (1776), p. 116 ff.

39. Trimaux, P., Exploration Archéologiques en Asie Mineure (1863).

40. Naumann, R., Der Rundbau in Aezani: mit dem Preisedikt des Diokletian und das Gebaüde mit dem Edikt in Stratonikeia, Istanbuler Mitteilungen; Beiheft 10, (Tübingen 1973).

41. For the preliminary reports of the excavations in summary see: Boysal, Y., VIII. Kazoe Sonuclaroe Toplantoesoe (Ankara 1985), p. 519, IX. Kazoe Sonuclaroe Toplantoesoe II (Ankara 1987), p. 237, Kazoe Sonuclaroe Toplantoesoe II (Ankara 1992), p. 117, V. Kazoe Sonuclaroe Toplantoesoe, (Istanbul 1983), p. 209, and Y. Boysal, International congress for classical archaeology. Berlin 1988 (1990), p. 501.

42. During the1990’s, excavations began at the sanctuary of Hecate at Lagina while in Stratonicea, M. C. Şahin undertook the archaeological work, see Şahin, M. C., Stratonikeia in Caria (Ares Publications 1995).

43. IK 22.1-Stratonikeia, 1003 and 1004. See Robert, L., Études Anatoliennes. Recherches sur les inscriptions grecques de l'Asie Mineure (Paris 1937), pp. 529-536.

44. The organisation of the city in "amphoda", even though the term is military, has been connected to administration and the confrontation of emergencies. All amphoda were characterised by a number and a symbol. The symbols identified so far are a club, Heracles and a Delphic tripod. The officers responsible for the residents of each square were called ‘amphodarkoi’. See Debord, P., “Questions Stratonicéennes ” in Bresson, A., Descat, R, (ed.) Les cités d'Asie mineure occidentale au IIe siècle a.c. (Bordeaux 2001), pp. 159-160.

45. See Debord, P., “Questions Stratonicéennes ” in Bresson, A., Descat, R, (ed.) Les cités d'Asie mineure occidentale au IIe siècle a.c. (Bordeaux 2001), pp. 160-162.

46. IK 22.1, Stratonikeia 1002.

47. See Lang, G., Klassische Antike Stätten Anatoliens, Band II: Larisa-Zeleia (2003), p. 485.

     
 
 
 
 
 

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