Εγκυκλοπαίδεια Μείζονος Ελληνισμού, Μ. Ασία ΙΔΡΥΜΑ ΜΕΙΖΟΝΟΣ ΕΛΛΗΝΙΣΜΟΥ
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Anaku

Συγγραφή : Karachristos Ioannis (21/3/2005)
Μετάφραση : Papadaki Irene

Για παραπομπή: Karachristos Ioannis, "Anaku",
Εγκυκλοπαίδεια Μείζονος Ελληνισμού, Μ. Ασία
URL: <http://www.ehw.gr/l.aspx?id=6793>

Ανακού (23/1/2006 v.1) Anaku (23/1/2006 v.1) 
 

1. Anthropogeography

Anaku ın Cappadocia, also known as Eneyi, was located up on the road, which connected Neapolis (Nevşehir) with Niğde. It was built on a plateau of mount Mundak Ova, 1450 m. above sea level. During the winter, the climate is very cold, with frequent snowfalls, whereas in the summer the temperature is high, with fairly sparse rainfalls.1

In the centre of the settlement loomed Kale, a mound made of limestone, approximately 200 m. high, where older dwellings were hollowed out. Some of them were used until 1924, accommodating the poorest families. Practically, the settlement was developed around Kale and divided into two large districts, the Pano Mahalas (upper district - from the Turkish "mahalle", meaning district) towards Nevşehir and the Kato Mahalas (lower district) towards Malakopi, themselves divided into smaller districts named after the churches, the mosques and the fountains that existed there or after prominent figures in local history.On the basis of residential architecture, the settlement’s development was divided into three periods. During the early period, also called troglodyte, the dwellings were hollowed out in Kale and the economy was largely based on agriculture and stockbreeding. During the next period, dwellings were dug into the ground surface, without being completely detached from the original pit dwellings of the previous period. The above-ground part of the dwelling was built near the subterranean part and connected to it. Gradually, the economic structure changed, as a result of a population's massive migration to the urban centres of the Ottoman Empire. During the third and last period, dwellings were built exclusively above-ground and were completely detached from the dwellings of previous periods. This led to their separation from the rock, which caused the settlement's total surface to expand. Migration became people’s predominant way of earning a living, causing, at the same time, to a change in mentalities. Although the new form of residence progressively prevailed, not all dwellings of the previous two periods were abandoned.2

A mixed population inhabited Anaku. It has been observed that a large part of the Christian population was concentrated on the western and southwestern side of the settlement, whereas the Muslims inhabited mainly the eastern and northern areas. Nonetheless, in terms of ethnicity and religion, the population in all districts remained mixed. The information concerning the exact number of inhabitants is largely conflicting. Sarantidis and Farasopoulos claim that in Anaku lived 1.000 Christians and 1.800 Muslims. As reported in the statistics of the Diocese of Ikonion, which appeared in 1905 in the journal Xenofanis (Ξενοφάνης), the total number of inhabitants had not changed; what has changed was the composition of ethno-religious groups. According to the author, the number of Muslims had decreased to 1.500 whereas that of Christians had risen to 1.250. Other sources cite the number of families and not that of the inhabitants. Kontogiannis claims that the total number of families living in Anakou was as high as 380, whereas Antonopoulos, who visited the area in 1901, testifies that 300 families were merely Christian. Estimates concerning the demographic evolution of the population can also be made on the grounds of the surviving community records. In 1883, registers included 135 Christian and 250 Muslim families. The Christian population seems to have increased on the first decade of the 20th century, as the number of families who paid parish contribution from 1902 to 1912 oscillated between 144 and 163. After 1912 there is evidence of yet another decrease, which was possibly due to the reunion of immigrants with the rest of their families in Constantinople. Thus, in 1924, 140 families with a total of 435 members departed from Anaku to Greece. First stop in their journey was Mersin, where they embarked for Piraeus. Some of them settled within the boundaries of Athens and Piraeus, while others were dispersed all over the country. In 1963, the majority of refugees from Anaku have already settled in Attica; some headed for Corfu, Chalkiades (Farsala), Thessaloniki, Kastoria, Thasos and Iraklio (Crete), while others immigrated to various areas abroad.3

The Christian inhabitants of Anaku are referred to as Greek speaking. Certain songs in Turkish, however, are testimony to the fact that the Turkish language was used as well. There is also evidence that in certain cases when the Anakiotes (the inhabitants of Anaku) had difficulty in understanding the Greek language, they had recourse to Turkish. According to spoken testimony, the congregation asked the teachers who knew Turkish to read the Apostle in Turkish because, apparently, they could not comprehend the Greek text.4

2. Economy

2. 1 Agricultural production

As stated above, during the first period of the settlement’s history, agriculture and stockbreeding were the most important sectors of economic activity. The total amount of land owned by the inhabitants of Anaku was in fact larger than that of the people of neighboring villages. However, the same cannot be said of the productive capability of its soil, which, being dry and rocky, had little productive potential. Characteristic of that situation is the fact that the production of wheat was constantly deficient and that people had to buy wheat in order to fulfill the nutritional needs of their families. The crops included cereals (barley, wheat, rye), pulses, flax, few fruit trees and vineyards. The majority of Christians did not cultivate their land themselves; they employed Muslims, giving them money or part of the crop, usually half. The Christians who cultivated their land usually covered their needs in labor force through the established practice of mutual help and labor exchange between relatives and friends, the so-called “ergaties” or “antiloi”.5

In fact the entire agricultural production was aimed at self-consumption, and so was the small-scale, domestic stock-breeding. For animal pasturage, especially that of sheep, goats and some cows, they employed graziers who were usually Muslims. Finally, it is important to note that Anaku was also engaged in apiculture, again intended merely for self-consumption.

2. 2 Manufacturing production, trade, immigration

The unsatisfactory agricultural production created the need for generating complementary income. Migration seems to have balanced that deficiency. What further aggravated the bad economic situation was the insufficient organization of the transport section -which under different circumstances could have encouraged the transport of any surplus products- as well as the constant feeling of permanent lack of safety conditions.

As was the case with many other settlements in Cappadocia, migration started around 1760, and the preferred destination of the Anakiotes was Constantinople.

The men left as soon as they finished school, approximately at the age of 13 to 14. The immigrants departed in groups, following a specific ceremonial procedure. The day of their departure, they worshiped in groups and the priest read a relevant prayer. Their fellow-villagers accompanied them to church, wished them a good trip and gave them things to take to their relatives who already were in Constantinople. Subsequently, an elderly immigrant sung a particular song, thus signaling the beginning of their journey.

In Constantinople, a member of their family, usually the father or an uncle, welcomed the new immigrants. The Anakiotes of Constantinople were mainly grocers. They were working in other Anakiotes’ shops, and once their apprenticeship was completed, they were elevated from apprentices (çırak) to assistant masters (kalfa), and usually ended up opening their own business. Meanwhile, they sent money to their families in Anaku, in order for them to pay their taxes and meet their needs. They returned to their village at around the age of 20, to marry a girl indicated by their family or, for that matter, the daughter of their boss. In that case, they also took over the business of their father-in-law. The immigrants returned in groups and their approach to the village included a ritual in which the relatives left the settlement to meet them. The immigrants who were married to women from Anaku returned to the village regularly, usually every 2-3 years, sometimes less often, to visit their family.

The migration levels were high and marked the history of the settlement, which can be divided into three periods. During the first period that lasted approximately until 1770, the economy of the settlement remained based on agriculture and stockbreeding. During the second phase (1770-1850), migration was gradually established as a recommended economic strategy, generating the migration model described above. Finally, by the period between 1850 and 1924, migration was well established and engaged a large number of the male population. Thenceforth, agricultural works were mainly undertaken by women and Muslims.6 These three periods broadly corresponded to the three architectural phases of the settlement. In Anaku there were few professional artisans and shop owners and there is evidence of limited paid employment.

3. Administration, communal organisation, social stratification

According to the administrative division used until 1924, Anaku was a muhtarlık under the jurisdiction of the müdürlük of Malakopi, in the kaymakamlık of Nevşehir (Neapolis), mutasarrıflık of Niğde, vilayet of Konya. There were two muhtars in Anaku, one Christian and one Muslim. Each employed a paid community servant, who worked as a bailiff. Hay wards or bektsides (from Turkish bekçi) as well as night watchers were also community servants. Both surveilled the sector under their responsibility and took the offenders to themuhtar who would punish them accordingly. The pay of all community servants, as well as that of priests, vergers and school teachers, came from the locals’ contributions, raised by the community.7

Due to insufficient information available on the subject, it is not possible to analyze the social stratification. However we are well aware of the fact that, in the beginning of the 20th century, families in Anakou were divided into 6 categories; the share each family contributed for the payment of the two priests was determined on the basis of that division. There were contributions of 30, 20, 15, 10 and 5 kuruş per year; destitute families were exempt from payment. It is also known that the social pyramid was represented to a certain extent in the burial sites. The priests, as well as all distinguished figures of the settlement, were buried in the parvise of the temple of Eisodia tis Theotokou (the Presentation of Virgin Mary); other people could also be granted that distinction in return for money.8

4. Religion

Ecclesiastically, Anaku belonged to the diocese of Kaisareia. Its principal and most grandiose temple was that of the Presentation of Virgin Mary, which, according to epigraphic evidence on its dormer window, was built in 1834. It was a three-aisled basilica with a narthex and awomen’s gallery ("gynaikonitis"). There were also three smaller churches, Timios Stavros (Holy Cross), St Grigory and St George. The cult rituals took place only on the saint’s name day or on someone’s request. There is also evidence of even smaller and older churches, subterranean or hollowed out in the slopes of Kale, as well as of few chapels. The number of priests varies depending on the period and the source of evidence. Thus, in 1905, the community employed three priests, while in 1912 they were reduced to two.9

Those of the inhabitants who had the economic power, considered it their obligation to travel to the Holy Land on pilgrimage ("chatziliki", from Turkish hacılık). The pilgrims usually departed in groups in November and, through Mersin, arrived to Jerusalem by boat. There, they celebrated Christmas and Easter; on the day of the Epiphany they were baptized in the river Jordan and on the Sunday after Easter they embarked on their journey home, after the church had granted them indulgences, and they had obtained both a shroud and the necessary gifts for their family and friends. It is important to note at this point that the pilgrims ("chatzides"), both men and women, constituted a distinct and outstanding group in local society.

5. Education

Pastinformation on community teachers go as far as 1850. The first woman teacher ever to arrive in Anaku was in 1897; girls’ education has nonetheless started earlier than that. We are not aware of the exact date that the first school building was erected –also called ‘palio dimotiko’–, still there is evidence for its existence in 1873. In 1898 a room in the courtyard of the temple of the Presentation of Virgin Mary was used as a second school, a boys’ school where the pupils attended the courses of the last three grades. The rest of the boys, as well as all the girls, attended the aforementioned four-year elementary school.10

6. Clubs

Following the general tendency that prevailed amongst the Greek-Orthodox subjects of the Ottoman Empire since the reform period of tanzimat, as well as the example of other Cappadocians, immigrants from Anaku established in Constantinople a club called Filoptochos Filoproodos Adelfotis Anakous “Omonoia” (Charitable Progressive Association of Anaku “Omonoia"). The exact date of its foundation remains unknown. There are claims that it was active long before its official recognition in 1909. The aim of its members was to support their home country in every possible way. Yet, their main scope of activities was education, and more precisely sending teachers and books to Anaku.11

1. Κωστάκης, Θ., Η Ανακού (Athens 1963), p. 318.

2. Κωστάκης, Θ., Η Ανακού, (Athens 1963), p. 39.

3. Κωστάκης, Θ., Η Ανακού (Athens 1963), pp. 419, 424-425.

4. Κωστάκης, Θ., Η Ανακού (Athens 1963), pp. 212, 226-227.

5. Ασβεστή, Μ., Επαγγελματικές ασχολίες των Ελλήνων της Καππαδοκίας (Athens 1980), p. 90; Κωστάκης, Θ., Η Ανακού(Athens 1963), pp. 347-348.

6. Κωστάκης, Θ., Η Ανακού (Athens 1963), pp. 150-157, 391.

7. Ασβεστή, Μ., Επαγγελματικές ασχολίες των Ελλήνων της Καππαδοκίας (Athens 1980), pp. 89-90.

8. Κωστάκης, Θ., Η Ανακού, pp. 17, 208.

9. «Στατιστική της Επαρχίας Ικονίου», Ξενοφάνης 3 (1905), p. 46; Κωστάκης, Θ., Η Ανακού (Athens 1963), p. 208.

10. Κωστάκης, Η Ανακού, pp. 132-137. Regarding the type of schools of Anaku there is conflicting information: the "Στατιστική της Επαρχίας Ικονίου", Ξενοφάνης 3 (1905), pp. 46-47, mentions a five-year boys' school with 2 teachers and 150 students and a four-year girls' school with 1 teacher and 60 students. In contrast, Χριστόπουλος, Μ., Αι εις τας μητροπόλεις Καισαρείας και Ικονίου υπαγόμεναι ελληνορθόδοξοι κοινότητες (typewritten manuscript, ΚΜΣ, ΚΑΠΠ 45) (Chania 1939), p. 53, argues that there was a seven-year school with 2 teachers and 200 students, boys and girls. With this view agreed Αντωνόπουλος, Σ., Μικρά Ασία (Athens 1907), p. 219, who mentions a boys' and girls' school with 150 boys and 60 girls.

11. Κωστάκης, Θ., Η Ανακού, (Athens 1963), pp. 409, 415.

     
 
 
 
 
 

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