1. Magnesia during the empire of Nicaea

Magnesia by Sipylos is listed among the cities of the province of Asia in Hierokles’ Synekdemos (6^th century), but Middle Byzantine sources seem to ignore the city. In ecclesiastic sources it is known as Magnesia of Anelios, a name probably relating to its geographical location, on the northern side of Tmolos.

Magnesia emerges on the historical scene in the 13^th century. According to Ahrweiler, around 1204/5 this region was controlled by Theodore Mangaphas, the ruler of Philadelphia,¹ though no relative record has been kept in the sources. After the annexation of the city into the byzantine empire of Nicaea, the emperor John III Vatatzes (1222-1254) chose it to become the imperial capital over the summer. The importance of the city was a result of the city's road connection to Smyrna, Sardis and Philadelphia, but also to Pergamon, Achyraous and Lopadio. The imperial treasury (the vestiarion) was located in Magnesia, and in all probability also was a mint; also the reception of foreign ambassadors from the West and the East used to take place in this city. Theodore II Laskaris (1254-1258) refers to the city in his letters as “golden Magnesia”.² Due to the city’s location, but also to it's serving as the main capital, the troops of the empire gathered there many times under its walls, in the valley of Hermos. On August 24, 1258, George Mouzalon was murdered in the city by the army. Michael VIII Palaiologos (1259-1282), after his expeditious ascent to the imperial throne, resided mainly in Magnesia by Sipylos.

2. Michael IX Palaiologos' activity, 1302-1303

In 1302, the co-emperor Michael IX Palaiologos campaigned in Asia Minor against the Türkmen. His centre of operation was Magnesia by Sipylos, but the indecisiveness of the military commanders about a crucial battle, allowed the Muslims to raid the entire region up to the plain of Memaniomenos (or Mainomenos, that is until Smyrna), nailing down Michael IX Palaiologos in Magnesia, whereas many inhabitants of the area sought shelter to the islands of the East Aegean. Very soon Michael IX Palaiologos decided to retreat to Pergamon. In his retreat from Magnesia in the winter of 1303 he was followed by a great part of the population, along with women and children. The events of this era testify to the strategic importance of the city in connection with the eastern frontier and prove that the choice of the city as a capital by John III Vatatzes was correct.

3. Nostongos Doukas, Attaleiotes and Roger de Flor (1303-1305)

After the failed attempt of Michael IX Palaiologos to drive the Muslims out of the valley of Hermos, the region of Magnesia came under the protection of the commander of the tagmata, and later megas megas hetairiarches, Nostongos Doukas. In the same period a certain Attaleiotes assumed, with the help of the inhabitants, command of the city. Attaleiotes clashed with Nostoggos to the point of not allowing him to enter Magnesia. They also disputed over the way to face the Catalan mercenaries who arrived in Magnesia in May 1304. To enforce his position in the eyes of the emperor (probably as a counterbalance to the “usurpation” of the city), Attaleiotes welcomed them, and Roger de Flor brought to the city of Magnesia supplies, weapons and loot from the war, intending to make the city a base for his operations in Asia Minor. Shortly after that, however, when the aberrations of the Catalans in other cities were known, Attaleiotes, now the sole ruler of Magnesia, changed his attitude. The Catalans in Magnesia were murdered or imprisoned, the city walls were repaired and the inhabitants refused to allow Roger de Flor in the city. The Catalans laid siege to Magnesia in August 1304 and for some time, but to no avail. Attaleiotes remained in command of Magnesia and, in 1305, word reached Constantinople that he had defected from the Byzantine emperor's rule. It is possible that Magnesia was under his command until 1313, when it was conquered by the Türkmen. This assumption is based to the more recent version of the Vita (life) of emperor John III Vatatzes.³ Magnesia then became the capital of the emirate of Sarouchan.

4. Administration

During the Middle Byzantine period Magnesia by Sipylos belonged to the theme of Thrakesion. The city still belonged to the same theme after the reorganization of the provinces during the 12^th century. In the 13^th century, however, the city apparently became a part of the theme of Neokastra, and according to Ahrweiler it was probably the capital of this theme.⁴Also according to Ahrweiler, the city was under a prokathemenos (Attaleiotes) in 1305.⁵ However, Pachymeres mentions that the city had a castrophylax.⁶According to Karlin-Hayter, a kephale of the region was placed at Magnesia and Nostongos Doukas, by virtue of his rank, was in charge of the garrison of the entire region of Magnesia.⁷

5. Monasteries - Other information

The sources indicate that Magnesia, as a capital of the empire of Nicaea, had probably become its intellectual centre. There is also information that the emperor John III Vatatzes provided for the creation of libraries in various cities, and, according to Arhweiler, in Magnesia too.⁸ In the area of the city, not very far away from it, the same emperor founded the monastery of Christ the Saviour, known mostly as Sosandra or Sosandron, whereas his wife Eirene founded the monastery of the Holy Mother of Kouzenas. At the monastery of Sosandra the emperors John III Vatatzes and Theodore II Laskaris were buried, and it was there that took place the dramatic events which led to the assassination of George Mouzalon and his brothers in 1258. In the city of Magnesia probably resided many important families of the Empire of Nicaea, but actual evidence exists only for the family of the Melissenos.

6. The worship of emperor John III Vatatzes

The beneficial for Asia Minor reign of the emperor John III Vatatzes resulted in his being canonized after his death, under the surname Eleimon (beneficent); his cult spread quickly in the area of Magnesia on Sipylos, in which he spent a lot of time when he lived. Elements of this cult already appear in the history of George Pachymeres (early 14^th century), where testimonies of the inhabitants are recorded, claiming that the emperor appeared on the fortification walls in the winter of 1303, when the city was already under siege by the Muslims.⁹ According to the Vita (life) of John III Vatatzes, the emperor’s body was later translated to Magnesia by the monks of the monastery of Sosandra, to prevent its falling in the hands of the enemies. When the Muslims conquered the lower city, the inhabitants took the coffin of the emperor to the acropolis, the enemies, however, threw it from a cliff during the capture of the castle, according to a version of the emperor’s Vita. Also according to the Vita, the coffin had a healing capacity and was later placed in a church founded specifically for housing the corpse of the emperor. According to the editor of the Vita of John III Vatatzes, A. Heisenberg, this narration could support the view that John III Vatatzes was worshiped in the region of Magnesia by Sipylos, but not in Asia Minor in general.¹⁰

7. Monuments

The modern city Manisa has been built on the location of Magnesia on Sipylos above the archaeological remains of the earlier periods, many of which are still visible. Byzantine Magnesia was fortified with two enclosures. From the walls of the lower city the most important parts are a tower, a gate which probably dates to the Ottoman period, and a part of the curtain wall. The external facade shows cloissoné masonry, whereas the internal shows simpler masonry with roughly shaped blocks. The inner enclosure runs around the higher part of the hill; these are strong walls reinforced with towers, whose façade is destroyed in various parts. The masonry is the same but there is ampler use of marble spolia from older buildings in the biggest tower, whereas on the west curtain plinths in single or double rows have been used. At the north-west tower plinths have been also placed vertically in order to form a simplified maeander with the parallel rows of the same material. Inside the acropolis quite enough remnants of the structures are preserved, but their state of preservation does not allow any conclusions concerning their use (Foss assumes that the palace was here).¹¹ In the lower town, between the two enclosures, remains of walls are preserved; however, any connection with the fortification walls of the lower city or the acropolis is far from obvious.